'L I B RARY OF THE UN IVERSITY or ILLINOIS M5-4I1; Ct>\ HL. HOT, SUIiVtt THE MACMILLAN COMPANY NKW YORK - BOSTON • CHICAGO • DALLAS ATLANTA • SAN FRANCISCO MACMILLAN & CO., Limited LONDON • BOMBAY • CALCUTTA MBLBOURNK THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, Ltd. TORONTO TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES EDITED UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE NATIONAL SOCIETY OF THE COLONIAL DAMES OF AMERICA BY NEWTON D. MERENESS Neto gork THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 1916 All rights reserved Copyright, 1916, By the macmillan company. Printed from type. Published April, 1916. NorfaooB ^KB8 J. 8. Gushing Co. — Berwick & Smith Co. Norwood, Mass., U.S.A. 111. s ^ 'A . U^_^J ^-cA^t;- . ^ 3 CONTENTS PAGE CuTHBERT Potter's Journal of a Journey from Virginia to New England, 1690 ........ 3 Journal of Diron d'Artaguiette, Inspector General of Louisi- ana, 1722-1723 ........ 15 Journal of Colonel George Chicken's Mission from Charleston, S. C, TO the Cherokees, 1726 ..... 95 Journal of Captain Tobias Fitch's Mission from Charleston to the Creeks, 1726 . . . . . . . .175 A Ranger's Report of Travels with General Oglethorpe in , Georgia and Florida, 1739— 1742 • • • • • ^^5 Journal of Antoine Bonnefoy's Captivity among the Cherokee Indians, 1 741-1742 ....... 239 Journal of Beauchamp's Journey from Mobile to the Choc- taws, 1746 . . . . . . . . .259 Journal of Captain Phineas Stevens' Journey from Charlestown, j N. H., TO Canada, 1752 . . . . , .301 Diary of a Journey of Moravians from Bethlehem, Pa., to Bethabara, N. C, 1753 • • • • • '3 25 Minutes from the Journal of Mr. Hamburgh's Travels in the Michigan and Illinois Country, 1763 . . . •359 Journal of an Officer's [Lord Adam Gordon's] Travels in America and the West Indies, i 764-1 765 . . . 367 Journal of Captain Harry Gordon's Journey from Pittsburg down the Ohio and the Mississippi to New Orleans, Mo- bile, AND PeNSACOLA, I 766 ...... 457 V INTRODUCTION Virginia was but slightly affected by the fall of the Stuart regime in 1688, but in consequence of the overthrow of the Andros government in Massachusetts, the uprising under Leisler in New York, and "great depredations com- mitted by the Indians " in those parts, the Council of Virginia, on the 5th of June, 1690, resolved to send a messenger north- ward with instructions "to ascertain the truth of matters in New England and New York." Colonel Cuthbert Potter was forthwith named for the mission and on the 24th of the following month Governor Nicholson announced to the Coun- cil that the Colonel had agreed to perform the service for £60. Colonel Potter was practicing law in Lancaster County, Virginia, as early as 1653, and three years later his name appears among the justices of the Lancaster County Court. In later years he was one of the large landholders of Middle- sex County and was closely associated with Ralph WormeJey, a leading member of the Council. The narrative of his journey to New England shows that he was an advocate of strong government. Shortly after making that journey he removed in his own sloop, the Hopewell, to the Island of Barbados, where, as stated in his will, dated June 20, 1691, he was "suddenly seized and taken with bodily sickness." In return for his ill treatment in Boston the Governor and Council of Virginia warned the Government of Massachu- setts that as "contrary to the Acts of Parliament divers goods are Imported into New England not directly from England, and that no Collector Is in New England, we have ordered that any ships bringing European goods hither from New England must produce their cocquets from England or be proceeded against at law." An official copy of this journal has been preserved in the Public Record Office, London : Colonial Office, Class 5, No. 1305, pp. 176-179. 3 MR. POTTER'S JOURNALL FROM VIRGINIA TO N. ENGLAND A Journall and Narrative of a Journey made by me Cuthhert Potter from Middx^ County in Virginia to Boston in New England. July 6. In the Evening I departed from the honble Ralph Wormley Esqre his house in a Shallop but having very rainy, Stormey weather, It was Sunday morning follow- ing before I could get to Casparas Harmans in Bohemia ^ and there tarried all day. July 14. I took horses and guide and went to New Castle, that night, 'tis accounted 30 miles, I met with Mr. Williams the Collector deliver'd him his Letter, and discours'd him about the trade Betwixt the head of the Bey and that Town for tobacco, he told me there had been formerly much tobacco brought over to that Town, but now not so much, he had lately seised some tobacco that had been brought, but by others I perceived It is frequently carried over to that Town.^ July 15. I went from New Castle to Chester alias Up- lands accounted 20 miles by water. July 16. I went from Chester to Philadelphia by water accounted 20 miles more. I met President Loyd ^ and Mr. Plowman, and deliver'd their Letters also Mr. Markham,^ 1 Middlesex. ^ Augustine Herrman, the founder of Bohemia Manor, at the head of Chesapeake Bay, died in 1686 and his second son, Casparus Herrman, took possession of the manor house in June, 1690. ' There was at this time a Maryland export duty on tobacco of two shillings per hogshead. ^ Thomas Lloyd, president of the Provincial Council of Penn- sylvania. ^ William Markham, secretary of the Provincial Council of Pennsylvania. CUTHBERT POTTER'S JOURNAL Mr. Delaval ^ Mr. Barbery and Mr. Ducay with whom I discourst some time, the two last forced to fly from York.2 July 1 8. I went from thence by water 30 miles up to the falls ^ and stopt about half an hour at Mr. Penns and lodged that night at Mr. Wheelers. July 19. I took horses and guid[e] for Eliza "^ Town being 72 miles, but reached no farther than Onions.^ July 20. I went from Onions to Eliza Town, there having been very much rain, in sight of Collonel Townlies * my horse fell with me, and by Gods mercy I escaped drowning having been twice under water wet all my linnen and papers. July 21. I tarried all day with Mr. Townley, dried my linnen and papers, and left two or three letters with him for some New York gentlemen that were then escaped into East Jersey which he promised to deliver with his own hand. July 22. I went to New York by water, 16 miles, pre- understanding the severity they used in that Town towards strangers by securing and searching them, with the assistance of the watermen I put my portmanteaus on board a ship in the harbour and went privately ashore to Mr. Thompsons, and so soon as it was night that I could get my Portmanteaus on shore, I deliver'd all the letters I had for the Gentlemen in those parts. July 23 and 24. I was brought acquainted with most of the honest Gent : of that Town who very much deplored the present state of affairs there,' but generally exceeding Joy- 1 John Delavall, a member of the Council of the City of New- York. He subsequently removed to Philadelphia, became a member of the Philadelphia Council in 1-691, and a member of the Provincial Council in 1692. ^ New York. ' Trenton. ^ Elizabeth. ^ Mr. Onions. ^ Col. Richard Townley, who came to Virginia with Lord Effingham in 1683, removed to Elizabeth Town in 1684, and married the widow of Philip Carteret in 1685. "^ The Leisler uprising. S TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES full for the welfare of this our honorable Governor,^ every one speaking highly in his commendacion, and earnestly wishing for the arrival of Governor Slaughter there, which might put a period to their present distraccions. I was inform'd the Indians had cut of a small village,^ near Fort Albany which caused the Inhabitants to keep a very strict watch and guard, the alarm of the French Pyrates being then upon the Coast, caused them to prepare a force for their defence, and all the masters of ships then in harbour and all the Gentlemen of the Town were by the Governor ^ sent for to consult the present safety, who most willingly assented for the common good to use their utmost endeavours to oppose and resist the common enemy, by which means Lashler ^ could find no time to send for me as was inform'd he intended and I expected. July 25. I took horses and guide for New England, and that night went to Horsneck ^ being 40 miles. July 26. I went to Fairfeilds ^ being 25 miles, and very bad way and tarried there the next day being Sunday. July 28. Major Gold "^ provided me horses to Guilford being 42 miles. July 29. I went to Sebrook * being 20 miles : It rained very fast all day. July 30. I went from Sebrook to New London being 20 miles where I understood Major Winthrop was gone for Albany,^ I deliver'd his letter to his brother Major Palmes,^** ^ Francis Nicholson, who, in 1689, was made Lieutenant Gover- nor of the Dominion of New England with residence at New York, was appointed Lieutenant Governor of Virginia in 1690. "^ Schenectady. ^ Jacob Leisler. * Leisler. ^ West Greenwich. ^ Fairfield. ' Major Nathan Gold, a member of the Connecticut Court of Assistants. « Saybrook. ^ Major-General Fitz-John Winthrop was commander of the New York-Connecticut expedition that set out in the spring of 1690 against Montreal but was soon abandoned because of desertion by the Indians and lack of supplies and means of transportation. *° Major Edward Palmes was a brother-in-law of Major Fitz- John Winthrop. CUTHBERT POTTER'S JOURNAL and took his receipt, was told that the French Pyrates had come to an anchor before the town, but finding too great an appearance to oppose them, they departed without doing any dammage, the Inhabitants there seeming no way in dread of the French Indians, In respect Major Winthrop with a convenient force was then gone for Albany. July 31. I went from thence to Bulls in the Narragansit Government being 45 miles. August I. I hired a shallop, and went for Newport in Rode Island being 10 miles, where I met Mr. Brinley,^ Mr. Newbery and Mr. Clark, and deliver'd them their Letters and left Mr. Smith's letter with Mr. Brinley. August 2. I went for New Bristoll being 16 miles, the next day being Sunday I tarried at Mr. Lavins. August 4. I took horses and guide and went for Boston being 50 miles, about midnight I got to the Townsend — there lay, in the morning I went into the Town to Md Usher and Mr. Jeffreys, and deliver'd them their letters. August 6. I waited on the Governor Bradstreet,^ and deliver'd him the Letter for that Government, who did not then open it, I told him it came from the Present Governor of Virginia, and requested an answer to which he replyed he was going to the Councill and then I should be sent for and have an answer. I rested there two or three dayes and in the mean time deliver'd what Letters I had for other Gentlemen in the Town, I went to Salem and waited on Major Brown, and deliver'd the Letters I had for that place then return'd to Boston, and waited on Bradstreet the Governor who told me he would write back to our Governor and shortly after I received his Letter, there I caused 700 copies of his Majes- ties Letter to the Bishop of London to be printed and dis- perst them all along according to order : In which time they were very busy in setting forth their Fleet for Canada, which consisted of 32 ships and vessels of all sorts, and 2200 men which set sail about the 9th. ^ Francis Brinley was the leader of a Rhode Island faction favoring strong government. ^ Simon Bradstreet was governor of Massachusetts in 1689-92. 7 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES August 9. The people [are] generally much dissatis- fied with their present Government, and blame it very much for all their sufferings, which have happen'd onely through their ill management of affairs and sending away Sir Edmond Andrews,^ that caused all those great losses to the Eastward. I went over to Cambridge and Charles Town, where I deliver'd all the Letters I had for those places, and having spent some time in discoursing severall Gentlemen and others, I generally observ'd that many who had been for, were now inveterate enemies to the present Govern- ment. August 13. I prepared to return for Virginia, but hearing a rumour or whispering that the Governor had order'd officers to seize, and search me for Letters and papers I went and informed CoUonel Shrimpton and Collonel Dongan what I had heard, who said they did not think that they would be so unworthy, yet they stopt Mr. Peacock and severall others. I went to Governor Broadstreet, and acquainted him what I had heard touching my self, he replyed he had heard noth- ing of it, he was going to the Councill and if any such thing was intended he would acquaint me with it, and in the time the Governor was at the Councill, Officers were sent out to seize, search me and my papers. August 14. The officers found my Portmanteaus at Mr. Seawards where I intended to take horse, and brought them away, but as it happened by chance I met them in the street, and demanded by what power they seised my goods, they shewed an order of Councill, but would not let me read it. We went into Monks at the Anchor, I there demanded a copey of their order, but they refused and two of them took me into a private room, search'd my pockets and breeches, found severall letters and papers which they took, but gave me leave to lock them up in my portmanteau, they then sent to the Councill, who order'd me to be brought in the afternoon so I was dismist for the Present, and went home ^ Sir Edmund Andros, governor of the Dominion of New Eng- land from April 1688 until his deposition by the people of Massa- chusetts in April 1689. 8 CUTHBERT POTTER'S JOURNAL to dinner, then took out those letters and papers I had saved about my breast and back, in the afternoon I attended at the coffee house till near four of the clock then I was sent for by an Officer, when I came the Governor told me, there were a great many seditious people, about the Town, dis- persing scandalous papers tending to the subversion of the present Government, and that they had reason to fear some of them kept correspondence with the enemy. They were at great charge in fitting out their fleet, which would cost them near 50 or 60,000 pounds so it behooved them to be carefull, they had made an order to stop and examine all Strangers, and see what papers and pamphlets they had against the Government. I desired to see the order, and have a copey of it that I might give an account to those that send me, they replyed I was before them which was sufficient, and bid me open my Portmanteau. I refused and began to argue the affront offered to our honorable Governor, whose pass I shewed, was chid and called sawcy, and a smith was sent for to break my locks, which done the Officers turn'd out all my papers, and linnen, the papers lying all before them on the table, they then bid me to with draw with the rest of my things. I replyed I could not carry them my self, they ordered an officer to carry them to the coffee house where I waited untill they broke open and perused what they pleased, then sent for me and told me they found cause to stop some letters, they sent for Mr. Jeffreys and ordered him to give security to answer next Court, turned the publick Notary out of Office, kept about five or six letters directed to the Right Honble Governor of this Colony, besides other papers, examined my being at Cambrige and Charles Town, shewed me Bradstreet's letter broke open, and told me they would write next day to the Governor, bid me take the remainder of my papers, and so dismist me. August 15. I waited on the Governor Bradstreet, and importuned him for his pass, that I might be no more mo- lested, which having received from him with a Letter to this honorable Governor, I took my leave and came to Mr. Billings at night. 9 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES August i6. I came to New Bristoll where I staid with Mr. Jno Smith, Captain Andrews and some others. August 17. I came to Newport where I stayed wind bound till 23d. August 23. I took a sloop for Long Island, and was seven dayes in getting within three miles of Flushing. August 30. I took horses and guide for New York, I tarried there all day and received answers of those letters I had deliver'd, but was advised that Milburn ^ the present deputy Governor would seize all my papers as I was ready to depart, I forthwith got a boat and hands and came in haste away. Sept. I. In the morning I got to Collonel Townlies in Eliza Town, with whom I tarried two dayes expecting some Friend from York, with letters but they came not. Sept. 3. I came from Collonel Townlys to Mr. Onions. ! Sept. 4. I came to the falls and thence to Burlington. I Sept. 5. I came to Philadelphia was with Mr. Loyd, ; Mr. Markham, Mr. Delaval, and Mr. Test. Sept. 6. I came to Chester thence to Newcastle, and there | tarried the next day. Sept. 8. I came to Casparas Harmans at Bohemia where ! I tarried three dayes before I could hire a boat. 1 Sept. 12. I hired a boat and came from Casparas Har- j mans, down the Bey ^ but by contrary wind and weather, I I could not attain into Rappa ^ River till the 24th day of the I moneth, Sept. 24. On which I by the blessing of God safely arrived, ' at the house of the honorable Ralph Wormley Esqre. i Memorandum : • When I was in Boston I understood there was great plenty [ of Canary wine, and discoursing with several Gentlemen 1 there they told me they had four ships with Canary wine, j two of which belonged to Bristoll. I was asked twenty four i ' Jacob Milborne. ^ Chesapeake Bay. Rappahannock. 10 CUTHBERT POTTER'S JOURNAL pounds a pipe but told by others I might have my choice of good wine for Eighteen, and In the time I was at Salem, wait- ing on Major Brown I met with a master of a small vessel!, that was lately arrived from Spain, belonging to Salem, who treated me with a Glass of good wine, and anchovies, and told me he had made twenty pounds a hogshead of that little tobacco he had with him and that he came directly from Cales. [Endorsed] i6go Mr. Potter's Journall from Virginia to New England. Received 29 January 1690/ 1. II JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE, 1 722-1 723 INTRODUCTION Louisiana, comprising the French possessions in the Mississippi Valley, was granted in 1717 by the Regent, the Duke of Orleans, to the Western Company, the grant being a part of John Law's project for replenishing the exchequer of France when the wars of Louis XIV's reign had brought that country to the verge of bankruptcy. The charter made the Company proprietors of the territory for twenty-five years, promised it full ownership of all mines that should be opened during that period, and full title to all lands that should be peopled. The Company was to enjoy the exclu- sive right of trade within its territory and to have a monop- oly of the beaver trade with Canada. The Crown was to pay a bounty on vessels constructed in Louisiana for carry- ing goods to France, and for ten years the import duty on goods from Louisiana was to be but one half of that levied on goods from other French colonies. The Company was authorized to provide armed vessels for the protection of its trade, to construct forts within its territory, to make treaties with the Indians, to appoint officers, and to enact necessary statutes. The colonists were promised the same liberties and immunities as they enjoyed in France and exemption from taxation by the Crown. The charter required that the stock of the company be divided into shares of 500 livres each, payable in exchequer bills, and that every holder of fifty shares be entitled to a vote in the board of directors and to one additional vote for each additional fifty shares. Law was made director- general and 200,000 shares were issued. Subsequently the Western Company was merged with another of Law's in- stitutions, the Royal Bank, and with the East India Com- pany. For a brief period shares were fifty per cent or more IS TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES above par, but security for the stock was almost wholly lack- ing, the Royal Bank failed in 1720, and fear for his life drove Law from France. The Company, however, did much for the growth of the colony. Bienville, who for years had been its leading spirit, was appointed governor ; the white population increased from a few hundred in 171 7 to more than five thousand in 1721 ; and settlements were established on concessions of the Company at Baton Rouge, Natchez, Natchitoches, Pointe Coupee, Cannes Brulees, Tunicas, Bayagoulas, on the Yazoo River, on Pascagoulas Bay, and at other places. In 172 1 the Duke of Orleans intrusted the direction of the affairs of the Company to three commissioners, and they appointed Diron d'Artaguiette inspector-general. Arta- guiette, as royal commissary in the colony, defended Bien- ville against malicious attacks in 1707. He was one of the board of directors of the Western Company, and was the founder of Baton Rouge. His journal was a report to the Commissioners on conditions in the colony in 1 722-1 723 as observed by Artaguiette at New Orleans and while on a tour of inspection up the Mississippi to the Illinois Country. There is a transcript of the journal in the Library of Con- gress which was made from a copy in the Archives Nationales, Paris: C 13 C 2, If. 18-269. The translation is by Miss Georgia Sanderlin. 16 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE Journal from the ist of September to the nth of the same month Sept. I. New Orleans. There died here Monsieur Macee, chaplain of the ship L'Avanturier. Sept. 2. We have been informed that six men — habit- ants or traders — had deserted from this post and that a detachment, commanded by Sr. De St. Esteve, had gone out in search of them. Sept. 3. We have learned that Sr. de St. Esteve ai rived at Fort Louis ^ three days after his departure and that he had brought back the six deserters, who made no resistance. They were only put in chains for a short time. Sept. 4. An officer, accompanied by four fuzileers, set out to carry a large packet of letters, which he delivered in the bayou ^ to the master of a canoe. The latter imme- diately departed for Fort Louis du Biloxcy.^ Sept. 5. A man named Traverse, living in New Orleans, was today let out of prison. The cause for which he was imprisoned was this. This man had built a house in New Orleans. This house was not set in accord with the align- ment of the streets, as he had built it before the plan had been proposed. M. Peauger ^ had it torn down. Traverse being not well pleased about this, presented a petition to the council, asking them to recompense him for his house in order that he might have the means to build another. M. ^ Fort Louis was on the site of the present Biloxi, Mississippi. * Bayou Saint John, on the south side of Lake Pontchartrain. ' The capital of Louisiana was at this time removing from Biloxi to New Orleans. * M. de Pauger, engineer, assistant to M. de Latour, the chief engineer. 17 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Peauger had him sent for, and, after having regaled him with a volley of blows with his stick, had him thrown into prison, with irons about his feet, and today this man has come out of prison almost blind. Sept. 6. We have been informed that twelve soldiers and three sailors — the soldiers from the Company ot St. George — had deserted. These people had made an agreement with the skipper, who was steering a canoe in which were Mes- sieurs Dharcourt and Nolan, the former the treasurer, and the latter an officer, who were going from Mobile to Fort Louis. The skipper running very close in shore, these gentle- men asked him where he was going and why he was not carry- ing them on their journey, upon which the skipper replied that the currents were carrying them ashore. Having arrived at the Pointe des Chutaux, twelve soldiers came to them with bayonets at the end of their guns, and asked them civilly to lend them their canoe, they having a long journey to make, and to give them a present of some flasks of brandy. These gentlemen, seeing themselves the weaker party, responded, also civilly, that they (the soldiers) were the mas- ters. The soldiers took the canoe and some flasks of brandy and set sail, leaving these gentlemen and their efi"ects behind. Sept. 7. Today the ship L'Avanturier was preparing to sail for France, but M. Bienville ^ detained her to see what news there was from France, three ships having recently cast anchor in the roads of Fort Louis. Sept. 8. Nothing of interest took place. Sept. 9. M. Delatour,^ having some small jobs to be done, sent for four soldiers, but all refused to come. Sept. 10. Today at two o'clock in the afternoon, the ship L'Avanturier was to have set sail, but a heavy wind, con- trary and violent, having sprung up, her departure was put off" until tomorrow. ^ Jean Baptiste le Moyne, Sieur de Bienville, Governor of Louisiana in 1701-1713, 1718-1724, and 1733-1743, and founder of New Orleans. 2 M. de Latour was lieutenant-general of Louisiana and chief engineer. i8 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE The same day Sr. Feaucon Dumanoir, director of the Con- cession of the Malouins,^ presented us with the memoirs set forth below. You will see there the grievances which they have to allege against the company,^ what it has made them suffer in spite of the conventions and agreements made between them. You will also see enumerated the things which are absolutely necessary for the establishment of the colony. Grievances 1. The lack of lodgings and store-houses, which the com- pany ought to furnish to the concessionnaires immediately upon their arrival. 2. The lack of a hospital for the sick. 3. The lack of goods to trade with, and necessary to have, so as to secure fresh provisions to restore those who have been enfeebled by their journeys and to feed others. 4. The lack of such supplies as flour, wine, meat and brandy. 5. The lack of boats and vessels for transportation to the said concessionnaires. From this deficiency have arisen many inconveniences, to wit : That the concessionnaires have remained upon arid sand for eight months. This stay has been the cause of their consuming the whole food supply intended for their estab- lishments, the company being in want almost continually. That all the greater part of the workmen have died in extreme wretchedness for lack of fresh provisions and lodgings, being exposed to injury from the weather and from the cold through lack of clothing and storehouses, not having the materials for making the latter. The greater part of the goods of the said concessionnaires have rotted or have been plundered, damaged or stolen. ^ Merchants of Saint Malo who had a grant or concession of land near the site of the present Natchez, Mississippi. 2 The Western or Mississippi Company by whom the concessions were made ; at the head of it was John Law. 19 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES As to the seizure of the food supplies of the concessionnaires, which the Company has made : 6. As soon as the concessionnaires had found themselves lodged and had storehouses in which to put their goods under cover, which they had made while consuming their food supplies, the company had immediately seized them, forcing open the doors of the storehouses and lodgings, although the goods of the said concessionnaires were still within. 7. Although the company had sent here many food sup- plies and much merchandise, both for trading purposes and otherwise, the council of this place replied nothing worth while to the demands of the concessionnaires, and yet the convicts had more of them than was for their good. 8. Note, I beseech you, that there are among the conces- sionnaires those who, for a year, have had from the company only 25 quarters of flour, 3 casks of white wine and perhaps about 30 pistoles worth of merchandise, in spite of the fact that the company has received more than 8000 quarters of flour, 600 casks of wine, 300 quarters of meat, and an infinite quantity of merchandise. They prefer to support a great number of people in idleness rather than to feed and main- tain the concessionnaires, who are the pillars and the base of the establishment of this colony. One notes today two con- cessions in particular — that of the Sr. Dumanoir, which is in a condition to receive four or five hundred negroes, having supplies sufficient for two years, and that of Sr. Ceard, both of which form the ground-work upon which this establish- ment rests and which deserve to be sustained more than they have been up to the present time. As to the protest of the letters of exchange drawn by Sr. Du Manoir and Sr. Ceard upon M. Colly, In favor of Messrs. Hubert Trefontaine and Massy for the purchase of their dwellings, situated at the Natchez and at the Chapitoulas, the council ordered the seizure of the effects of the said concessionnaires, parties neither heard nor called, to which the said Sr. du Manoir made much opposition, representing that if these effects were seized he would be without the power to continue his enterprise, and that he would be obliged to abandon it alto- 20 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE gether. To this the council made no reply, permitting the seizure to proceed, with no desire to put a stop to these evil prosecutions and chicanery. It is proper to remark here that for an establishment as large as this one, such seizures interrupt the course of work, discourage the inhabitants and make them abandon everything. This would bring about total and irremediable ruin to the whole country. In regard to Sr. Ceard : In order to avert the seizure of his effects, he was forced to enter into a very onerous agreement with Monsieurs Trefontaine and Massy. This does not encourage the inhabitants to carry out the plans which they have made. 9. That the concessionnaires have been obliged to go up to their lands at their own expense, even to paying the sailors for working the boats which the company furnished them. 10. That they also had to provide themselves with vessels to bring their effects up the river. 11. As to the fact that they paid no attention to the num- ber of people which each concession has, giving as large food supplies to the concessions which have only 60 or 80 men as they give to those which have 200. The same is also the case with merchandise of all kinds. 12. As to the enormous expenses which the concessions have made because of the failure to execute the contracts made with them, I can assure you. Gentlemen, without any partiality, that if the concessions are sustaining themselves, the credit for it is due alone to the steadfastness of those who direct them here, and to the manner in which the colonists have conducted themselves throughout the whole enterprise. The concessions of St. Catherine produced this year 2000 quarters of grain and 1000 hogsheads of tobacco, and so on. Memorandum of the things which are necessary for the estab- lishment of this colony and which are absolutely indis- pensable^ to wit: 1. That the company should send here great numbers of negroes (there being no French) to clear the land. 2, That the colony should never be allowed to suffer for 21 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES lack of flour, as the country does not yet produce any wheat, nor will it produce it for three or four years, and then only after much clearing and cultivation. 3. By sending a great force of negroes, to the number of about 4000 to 5000, they could hope soon to make returns for them to France in rice, indigo, tobacco, silk and other things which they might produce, 4. That the colony should not be permitted to lack for wine or brandy, until the time when every one is permitted to plant vines and they should be producing — a thing the company has forbidden. 5. Salted meat; the country in some seasons not being sufficiently supplied with buifalos to support the colony. 6. Shot, powder, bullets and salt, which the colony has lacked every year, in order to profit in winter from the abun- dance of game and to preserve the meat after one has ob- tained it by hunting. 7. Butter ; because the country has not enough bears to supply it with oil. 8. Trading goods ; not being able to dispense with these because they are needed to purchase meat from the Indians. 9. Assortments of cloth and everything that is necessary to maintain the French of both sexes and the negroes and slaves, and that each thing should be given in proportion to the supply. 10. That the merchandise and food supplies coming from France, also the negroes, should be divided equally among all the concessionnaires and inhabitants in proportion to the number of each. 1 1 . That the company should send into this colony French- men who have a thorough knowledge of indigo, tobacco and silk, and also vine-dressers, wheelwrights, shoemakers, tool-makers, carpenters, cabinet-makers, coopers, and other workmen, so that the concessionnaires and other inhabitants should have them at hand when they need them. 12. That the company should procure a great number of all sorts of cattle In order that each person should have some for his own establishment. 22 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE 13. That the company ought to think first of enriching the inhabitants before it can even think of drawing any profit for itself. The inhabitants once enriched, the company will find itself to be suddenly reimbursed for its advances, and it would make a large production upon which it would have a large profit, for if one counts upon stifling the inhabitant at the first moment he begins to breathe — I mean to say, if one forces the inhabitant to give to the company his first crops for nothing — this will not be the means of making him discharge his debt, but on the contrary, it will only thrust him deeper into the abyss, by which method the company will lose its advances and throw the country into the same condition in which it was formerly. 14. That the articles of merchandise should be sold to the inhabitants at the same rate and in the same proportion as the inhabitants will sell their commodities ; for if the com- pany sells its merchandise at a profit of 200 or 300 per cent., it is necessary also that the company receive at the same profit the commodities of the inhabitants in proportion to what its merchandise brings, the company deducting both the expenses of its houses and the incidental expenses of the merchandise. 15. That justice should be rendered equally to all without prejudice, revenge or distinction. The company being sure of the success of this colony, as we show by the proofs we send to it, it ought not to hesitate one moment to procure the necessities above specified, if it wishes to see the colony in a little while rise to a flourishing condition. Sept. II. I learned today at the home of M. Peauger, the engineer, where I had gone to find out why it was that M. Delorme wrote to Sr. Bhonneau, formerly my secretary, to make an agreement for him with a man called Drapeau, to build him a pigeon-house within the enclosure about the house which Sr. Bhonneau lent him. M. Peauger informed me that it was because M. Delatour had employed for over two months more than sixty workmen (men paid by the company) to clear up his land, to build a pigeon-house and 23 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES to make over a frame which M. Delatour had taken to make him a house and which was intended for a 6o-foot storehouse, the said frame belonging to the company, and that appar- ently M. Delorme did not wish to imitate in that respect M. Delatour, who had no fear as to causing expense. The same day, at half-past five in the morning, the ship L'Avanturier set sail from New Orleans. Sept. 12. New Orleans. The ship L'Avanturier set out about 6 o'clock this morning, but was obliged to moor to the shore a half league below N. O.,^ not being able to proceed on account of violent and contrary winds. The same day at four o'clock in the afternoon, there also set out two passen- ger-boats, one commanded by Klaziou and the other by Carron, which went no farther than the L'Avanturier. Towards ten o'clock in the evening there sprang up the most terrible hurricane which has been seen in these quar- ters. At New Orleans thirty-four houses were destroyed as well as the sheds, including the church, the parsonage and the hospital. In the hospital were some people sick with wounds. All the other houses were damaged about the roofs or the walls. It is to be remarked that seven years ago there was a similar calamity which caused a terrible destruction at Massacre or Dauphine Island, where I was at the time.^ There were ten flat-boats broken up and sunk together with launches, canoes and pirogues, and in fact everything in port was lost. The wind came chiefly from the southeast. The ships, the Santo Christe and the Neptune, and two passenger-boats, one of which was being used as a powder- magazine, were damaged and grounded far ashore. It is to be remarked that if the Mississipy had been high this hurricane would have put both banks of the river more than 15 feet under water, the Mississipy, although low, having risen 8 feet. Sept. 13. The hurricane, continuing until mid-day, has ^ New Orleans. * This paragraph is in the margin of the manuscript. JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE not ceased to rage, but at noon, it having become much calmer, we learned from some people who had just come from the settlements of Srs. Trudeau and Coustillas, that the houses there were blown down and their crops lost. The same day, in the evening, we learned that three pirogues had been lost up toward the Tensas,^ five leagues above New Orleans. These pirogues were loaded with fowl, Indian corn and other goods which a man called Poussin, living at the Thonni- quas,^ was coming down here to sell. Sept. 14. We are working hard here to repair the damage which the hurricane has caused. The same day we learned from some pirogues which were coming down from above that at the Cannes Bruslees ^ the houses, barns and sheds, had blown over and the crops badly damaged. Sept. 15. All the past night patrol was sounded, a work- man of the company having informed M. Bienville that a party was being formed to desert. They say that he even named the leaders. They were intending to seize the pi- rogues and boats and go to the lower end of the river and take the passenger-boat of Kerlaziou. The same day at noon there arrived a passenger-boat, commanded by du Clos. It was loaded with goods for the company. Sept. 16. We have been informed that a boat was lost the night of the hurricane toward Bay St. Louis. ^ The people on board escaped to shore. Sept. 17. We have been informed by the Chaouachas ^ that a boat called the Postillion, belonging to Sr. Dumanoir, had been sunk for lack of a launch which he had asked from Sr. Fouquet, Captain of the L' Avanturier, but which he refused ^ Taensa Indians, who were closely related to the Natchez. 2 The Tonica Indians inhabited the region of the lower Red River and there was a post named for them on the Mississippi, about six miles above the mouth of the Red. 3 Cannes Brulees, on the Mississippi River, about fifteen miles above New Orleans. The Company had made a concession here to the Marquis d'Artagnac. * Now Galveston Bay. ^ A small tribe of Indians on the east bank of the Mississippi about thirty miles above New Orleans. TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES to give him. This boat has a deck and will be used to take transports to Natchez where the Sr. Dumanoir has a settle- ment. Sept. 1 8. This morning Sr. Peauger had a quarrel with M. Delatour on the subject of the work which the latter has had done, the former having reproached the latter for having employed the workmen of the company to do his building, when they did not have there a church in which to put God under cover (these are the words which he used) nor a hos- pital in which to put the sick. Sept. 19. Today the two men accused of having plundered the storehouse were questioned and they confessed every- thing. The bayou, which is situated a league from here and by which one goes and comes from Biloxcy to this place, has overflowed by about two or three feet, by reason of the hurricane. The waters having subsided, they found upon the surface of the water many dead fish, which caused a great stench. Sept. 20. A decree was issued this morning by which the commandants and directors order that all the inhabitants of this place must have their houses or land enclosed by palisades within two months or else they will be deprived of their property and it will revert to the company. The same day we were informed that there had been seized at Mobile a launch loaded with merchandise which belonged to a man called Durante storekeeper at the above-mentioned place. He was sending it to St. Joseph's Bay to trade with the Spaniards. Sept. 21. We have been informed that the ship Le Dromadaire is in the Mississipy and that the ship L'Avan- turier departed the i8th of last month. Sept. 22. We have heard nothing of interest. Sept. 23. Counsel was held concerning the two men accused of having plundered the stores and who had been questioned on the igth of the present month. They were con- demned to be hanged and to be strangled until life was extinct. This sentence was executed the same day, at four 0^ clock in the afternoon. 26 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE Sept. 24. We have learned by means of a canoe which arrived from the lower part of the river that the two ships, the Loire and the Deux Freres, which had set out from the roads of the Isle aux Vaisseaux a few days before the hurri- cane to come to N. O./ had returned there without having suffered any damage. They say also that all of the houses and storehouses which are in Fort Louis were either blown down or damaged and that the sea rose 7 or 8 [feet] more than is ordinary, and that it had partially inundated the place. Departure from N. 0. for the Cannes Bruslees Sept. 25. I set out from New Orleans to go to Cannes Bruslees. The same day I spent the night at the house of Sr. Massy where I noticed that the greatest injury which the hurricane had done there was to their houses which it had completely destroyed. The crops are not in such a hopeless condition ; the rice, which was only in flower, having straightened up again. The loss to the colony, however, will be very considerable, because there was a great deal of rice ready to cut but which is entirely lost. Cannes Bruslees Sept. 26. I arrived at Cannes Bruslees where I found all of the houses and barns blown down and not fit to be used. We set to work to repair the loss and to build sheds for the workmen and the grain. Sept. 27. The continual rains which fall here prevent us from getting in our crops and cause a considerable loss. Sept. 28. The report that the ships had returned to the road of Fort Louis without having been damaged and that four passenger-boats belonging to the company had been stranded on the beach, has been confirmed. Sept. 29. I have learned that at New Orleans the troops complain greatly because they are not given any meat and ^ New Orleans. c 27 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES i yet they see it given to the workmen of the company and to I the convicts. j Sept. 30. and the last day. There are two pirogues full of j traders who carried some young poultry to New Orleans. j i Continuation oj the joth and last of September \ Two pirogues full of voyageurs, who were carrying some \ young poultry and other produce to New Orleans, were lost in the hurricane between Natchez and Thonniqua. ■ '1 Continuation of the Journal for the Month oj October, 1722. \ Oct. I. We learned from a pirogue which arrived today i from the Natchez that the hurricane had committed the | same ravages there as down here. Oct. 2. The report has been confirmed by a pirogue which ; arrived here from Fort Louis that the two vessels, the Loire ; and the Deux Freres, had put back there after the hurricane ; | that all the houses had been damaged ; that the passenger- : boat commanded by a certain Beau had been sunk on the i shoals off the Isle aux Chats ; that the six sailors who were on , board had been drowned ; the Captain with an attendant ^ i saved themselves on the main yard, where they passed a day : and night exposed to the violence of the waves which nearly j maimed them; the passenger-boat commanded by du Clos j went ashore on Isle au Chevreuil ; the Spidouelle, commanded | by Bhonneau, was stranded on the flats of the Bay of St. ■ Louis ; the passenger-boat commanded by Fontaine went ^ ashore among the pines, large trees, near Fort Louis ; these | brigantines belonged to the company and were anchored in the roads of Fort Louis ; all the other boats, canoes and pi- ■ rogues which were at Fort Louis are wrecked, sunken or use- 1 less ; they are working with all possible diligence to repair : these brigantines or passenger-boats, and they did this under : the direction of M. Delorme,^ the director, whom they do ! expect here soon. ; ^ Mousse. j 2 M. De rOrme, a principal agent of the Company. | 28 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE Oct. 3. The ship, Le Dromadaire, Is about two leagues from New Orleans, Oct. 4. We have learned that the two ships, the Loire, and the Deux Freres, are in the Mississipy, one of them having remained at Fort Louis to partially unload so as to be able to supply the needs of Massacre Island and Mobile, as well as other ports. Oct. 5. The ship Le Dromadaire, commanded by Fillart, arrived about noon at N. O. It is loaded with one hundred barrels of salt, which had remained at Fort Louis, and with lumber which had been worked up at the said place ; not that there is a dearth of it here, but this is wood which was all squared and it was thought worth while to ship it to N. O. Oct. 6. M. Bienville has forbidden all the inhabitants to go to cut wood within the cypress groves, especially those which are near N. O., without his written permis- sion ; those upon whose land there are groves are ex- cepted. Oct. 7. I have learned that Sr. Feaucon Dumanoir, director of the company, and Monsieurs Colly and associates, had raised the ship Postilion, which we said in the Journal of the past month, was lost in the hurricane at his settlement among the Chaouackas on the Mississipy. Oct. 8. They are working at New Orleans on the organiza- tion of two companies, one for M. Pradel and the other for M. Bourmont, who is going as commandant to the Mysourys, but who is very ill at N. O. Oct. 9. The commandant and engineers have discharged within the last few days forty laborers who were certainly poor workmen. Some of them are joining the companies which are being formed and about which I have just spoken in the entry of the preceding day. Others are hiring them- selves to work for the inhabitants. Oct. 10. The Chonnicas ^ Indians, to the number of twenty, both men and women, led by their head chief, ^ Tonica. 29 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES today sang the Calumet ^ to M. Bienville, who presented them with the usual presents. Oct. II. We have learned that the two ships which were coming to unload at New Orleans, are only six leagues from there, which gives excellent hopes, as there was beginning to be a lack of everything. We have learned from a certain Marie le Cadet, an officer in the concession of the Marquis Demezieres, that the hurricane which wrought such destruction here was not felt at all at their settlement, which is on the Wachita River. Oct. 13. The troops garrisoned at New Orleans grumble greatly because they have been reduced for so long a time past to eating dry bread, and because they cannot get any meat for the money which is paid them ; nor can they get any merchandise, which they procure only with difficulty in the company's stores. Oct. 14. By the three last ships which have arrived, it is said that M. Bienville had received orders not to give passage to France to anyone whomsoever, whereupon several people, having gone to find Monsieurs Bienville and Delatour, to ask for it, they were told that it was very much better to give passage to reputable people, who had business in France and who doubtless would take it by force if they refused to give it to them. Oct. 15. The two ships, the Loire and the Deux Freres, are two leagues from N. O. Oct. 16. The continual rains which we are having here prevent the completion of the rice harvest. Oct. 17. The wife of a certain German laborer in the concession of Monsieur the Count D'Artagnan, is dead at this place. Oct. 18. The two ships, the Loire and the Deux Freres, arrived at New Orleans today about 3 o'clock in the after- noon, after having saluted the city (if it can be called by' ^ I do not explain what Calumet means because they are well acquainted with the term in France. (A note in the margin of the manuscript.) 30 i JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE that name) the one with nine guns, the other with seven, and they were returned from N. O. by one gun only. Oct. 19. Two men, named Marlot and Boutteux, the former storekeeper of the company and the latter formerly storekeeper of the concession of M. Law, are, it is said, tormented every night by spirits which appear to them, mal- treat them and create disorder. The people believe that they are the spirits of those two men who were hanged, as I explained in the Journal of last month, because Marlot performed the duties of being procureur (public prosecutor) and Boutteaux made the accusations against them. It is easier to believe that it is some of their enemies, for those gentlemen, the clerks, make more enemies than they should. Oct. 20. The store-house which M. Delatour, lieutenant- general of Louisiana, was having made over into a house for himself, will not serve him for this purpose. M. Bienville^ Commandant general, having set himself against it with some haughtiness, has completely fallen out with M. Delatour on account of this matter and because of some other subjects for jealousy. This lumber has been reserved to build the director's house. Oct. 21. We have learned that two men, Langevin by name, father and son, Canadians, living among the lUinnois, with two French servants and an Indian slave, had been captured on the Mississipy (it is not said where) by the Chicachats ^ with whom we are at war, and that they had carried them off to their village, from which place these Frenchmen had written to M. Bienville that they were being well treated by the Indians, that the latter only asked for peace, and that they had told them that they would not give them up unless peace was made, and that they could so inform the great French chiefs. Oct. 22. Monsieurs Bienville and Delatour have today issued a warning to every one [not] to go on board the two ships, the Loire and the Deux Freres, without having a written permission from them. 1 Chickasaw Indians. 31 TRAVELS IN^THE AMERICAN COLONIES Oct. 2J. We have learned from a pirogue full of French- men, which arrived from the Illinois, that the Rock In- dians ^ and those of the Pimiteouy ^ had been attacked by the Fox [les Renards], an Indian nation, who killed a score of them and several women and children. The Renards had come "en village," that is to say, with their wives and children. The Ilinnois defended themselves very well since they killed, so they say, more than 120. M. de Boisbriant ^ having learned all these things resolved to go to the rescue of these Ilinnois, whom their enemies held besieged, and he departed with a hundred Frenchmen [in boats and pirogues]. MM. D'Artaguiette * and Tisne, captains of infantry, with De L'Isle, an ensign, and some other subalterns, accom- panied him. He then ordered Bourdon, a Canadian living at the Ilinnois, to take the forty Frenchmen who remained and proceed by land until he came close to the Pymlteouy, where they would meet. Bourdon added to the 40 French- men 400 Ilinnois Indians. M. Boisbriant left as a guard for Fort de Chartres ^ a man named Mellicq, lieutenant of a company, and some soldiers. But their journey was not long. M. Boisbriant learned when forty leagues up the Riviere des Illinois that the enemies had withdrawn. This made him turn back. The detachment which Bourdon commanded returned a few days afterward, but in a pitiable condition, having suffered severely from hunger on account of the bad leadership of Bourdon who is not fit for this sort of employment and is more skilful at goading oxen in the -plough- ing than in leading a troop of warriors. ^ Savages du Rocher, a tribe of Illinois Indians closely associated with the Peorias ; they were also known as Prairie des Roches Indians. ^ Illinois Indians Inhabiting the village of PImitoui on the Illinois River, near the mouth of the Fox. ^ Pierre Duque de Boisbriant, a cousin of Bienville, and the first commandant of the Illinois Country. * Pierre d'ArtaguIette, either a son or younger brother of DIron d'Artaguiette. ® Fort Chartres on the east bank of the Mississippi in what is now Monroe County, Illinois. It was built by Boisbriant in 1720. 32 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE Oct. 24.. The report has been confirmed that the men called Langevin, father and son, of whom we spoke in the entry of the 21st of the present month, had been taken by the Chicachats, and that it was at the Ecorres a Prudhomme ^ when they were ascending to go to the Ilinnois, and that they had been very well treated by the Indians, who did them no harm, and who even carried Langevin, the father, for four days because he was ill and could not walk. He died of sickness four days after his arrival at the village of the Chicachats. This is surely a sign that the Indians want peace, for when a prisoner cannot work, it is their custom to kill him. Oct. 25. A pirogue arrived from the Yazous which told us that the Sieur de Grave, who is in command at that post,^ had received the Calumet from the Chicachats and had made peace with them. We beg the commissioners of the King to correct these errors and any others which will be found in these journals, because we have no time to revise them.^ Oct. 26. We have learned that at the Natchez a few days ago an Indian of that nation, owing something to a certain Fontaine, a sergeant in the troops, went to see him. This Frenchman, having demanded a settlement of his debt, the Indian replied that he did not yet have a payment for him, upon which the Frenchman flew into a passion. The Indian leaped upon his gun and aimed it at the Frenchman. Seeing this, the wife of the Frenchman ran out and called the guard, who arrived, and seeing this Indian, who kept his gun aimed all the time, they shot him dead and wounded another with a thrust of the bayonet. Some other Indians who came up carried off the dead man and led the wounded man away, grumbling. The same day at five o'clock in the evening a man named Guenot, an officer in the concession 1 On the east bank of the Mississippi at the Chickasaw Bluffs. 2 Fort de St. Pierre des Yazous, which was erected in 1718 on the Yazoo River about twelve miles from its mouth. ' This paragraph is in the margin of the manuscript. TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES of MM. Collys and associates, returning from there on horse- back to his dwelling, a league distant from the fort, was shot by a Natchez Indian. The ball entered his shoulder and lodged in his arm above the elbow. Although severely wounded, he would not let them probe for the ball, but returned to his home to get the wound dressed. Oct. 2J. We have learned that the Natches Indians have killed one negro and wounded another. The two negroes belong to the concession of the Srs. Collys and associates. Oct. 28. We have been informed that the Natchez Indians every day offer insults to the French who are in this port, and that they have even attacked twenty soldiers, who had been detailed to go to meet a cart which was coming from the settlement of the Sieur Guenot to get things and the people who drove it had been attacked by the Natchez. Oct. 2g. Sr. du TIsne, a captain of the infantry in the Ilinnois, passed through here. He was accompanied by his wife, who comes from Canada, and they are going to New Orleans to take passage for France. He has confirmed everything which we have said since the 23rd of the present month. Oct. JO. A Jesuit, the Father Boulanger, who comes from the Ilinnois on business for the mission which they have at the Ilinnois, passed through here. He has also confirmed all of the above from the 23rd of the present month until today. Oct. JJ. We have learned from a pirogue which has just come from the Houmas,^ an Indian village, 23 leagues above New Orleans, that the head chief of the Natches, called the Great Sun,^ with a band of his people who were coming from New Orleans, had sung the Calumet for M. Bienville, but having learned what had taken place at Natchez, he ^ A Choctaw tribe of Indians. 2 They claim that the family of their chiefs are descended from the sun. That is why they bear the name. (A note in the margin of the manuscript.) 34 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE had resolved to return with all of his people to his village without having been willing to open up their minds to the French, nor to offer any opinion on this affair. Continuation of the Journal for the Month of November, I'J22. Cannes Bruslees Nov. I. Sieur Pailhoux,^ who performed the functions of Major General in this place, passed here yesterday, about ten o'clock in the evening, in a boat, manned with twelve men. He is going in haste to Natches by orders of M. Bienville, to quell the disturbances which are taking place there. He is travelling day and night and does not stop at any place. Nov. 2. We have been informed by a war chief from the Colapissas,^ an Indian village situated 12 leagues from New Orleans, that the chief of the Natches Indians had been held, together with several of his people, by the order of this war chief, because, he tells us, it was said that the Natches had killed and were continuing to kill the French, and that it was right, since they had the chief ones of the nation among them, to hold them until the French chiefs should reach a decision respecting them. This is a mark of attachment to the service of the French which deserves praise. Nov. 3. I have learned that this same war chief of the Colapissas was going down to New Orleans to make a present to M. Bienville of some fowl and Indian corn, to the end that he [M. Bienville] should permit his nation to seize the medicine man of the village of the Ouachas,^ living among the Tensas, ten leagues distant from N. O., who had undertaken to cure the great chief of the Colapissas, ^ Paillou, Major-General of Louisiana. 2 Choctaw Indians. The name is also spelled Acolapissas. ^Washa Indians. Their village at this time was on the east bank of the Mississippi a few leagues above New Orleans. 35 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES but who, on the contrary, had put into his body the teeth of serpents and other evil things. This is the behef of these Indians. It is to be remarked that when a medicine man among them takes a patient and does not cure him, they kill him [the medicine man]. Nov. 4. Today M. Delorme, the director, arrived at New Orleans. The ship L'Alexandre, one of the last three arriving, which had remained at Biloxcy to discharge part of its freight in order to supply the needs of the posts of Fort Louis and Mobile, has entered the Mississipy. Nov. 5. We have learned from a pirogue arriving from the Natchez that the Indians of that section had killed three Frenchmen. We learned from the people who were in this boat that they had neither seen nor had any knowledge of Sr. Pailhoux. The war chief of the Colapissas has come back by here and had informed us that M. Bienville is very ill and that he speaks to no one, and as a consequence that he [the war chief] had not been able to have any audi- ence with him concerning those things of which we have spoken. Nov. 6. A boat which came down from the Arkansas (and which is one of those which the Sr, De Tonty brought up to the Ilinnois and of which I spoke in the entry of July 18) has informed us that they had put in at the Arkansas. There are twelve men, all sick. The Sr. De Tonty had put the load from this boat into three others. They also say that this convoy was growing weaker every day for lack of salt and other fresh provisions, and that they did not believe it could reach the Ilinnois. Nov. 7. The great chief of the Natchez, accompanied by ten or twelve men from his nation, has arrived here. This chief is called the Great Sun (we have explained why in the Journal of October). He escaped from the Colapissas and returned home, where having learned of these disturb- ances, he had set out with all speed and is going to New Orleans so as to prove himself innocent of all these dis- orders. Nov. 8. We have learned that the Sr. Pailhoux, of whom 36 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE we speak in the first entry of the ist of this month, had put in at the village of the Hommas. We do not know why or what reason he can have for this manoeuvre. Nov. 9. We have learned by a pirogue which comes down from the Natches that the people of that nation had killed, the 6th of this month, three Frenchmen and that nearly 200 Indians from the same nation had come to the settlement of the Sr. Dumanoir {the one which he bought from Sr. Hubert) and had killed thirty head of cattle belonging to the said concession, and a man called La Rochelle, formerly a workman in the same concession. Nov. 10. The Sieur Pailhoux passed back by here in a canoe manned with fifteen men, and four pirogues, each manned with six men. It is loaded with arms and other munitions of war and is going to the Natchez to quell the disturbances or to make war upon that nation. Nov. II. There passed here a boat, manned with eigh- teen men who are going as a reinforcement against the Natches, in case it is necessary to make war upon those Indians. They told us that M. Bienville was drawing near his end. Nov. 12. We have learned from Fort Louis that Ker- lazious, captain of a passenger-boat, who had come down to pilot the vessel L'Avanturier out of the Mississipy, and of whom we speak in the Journal of September, had gone to Fort Louis where he had loaded with flour and other things to carry to Mobille for the company ; that Sr. Boispinel, engineer, had embarked upon it, with all his eflPects, that this brigantine, having arrived in the Mobile Bay was in- vested by thirty armed men, among whom were twelve habitants and the rest soldiers, sailors or convicts, who took possession of the brigantine, and as Kerlazious threatened them, they put him on shore after having maltreated him severely, and themselves set sail. Nov. 13. There passed here a pirogue which was coming down from the Natchez, which confirmed all that we have said concerning that post, and that the Indians of that nation were continuing to create disturbances. The Sr. 37 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Guenot, of whom we spoke at the end of last month as having received a shot in the shoulder, was in this boat. He is going to New Orleans to be treated. Nov. 14. We have learned from New Orleans that M. Bienville continues very ill and that MM. Delatour and De- lorme were not to be seen and that they did not attend to any business. We do not know why. Nov. 15. We have learned that Sieur de Pontual as he was returning from Biloxcy to New Orleans had been assassinated near the Isle aux Chats, by a man named La Borde, a trader. Nov. 16. The clerk of the ship Le Dremadaire died today from a sword wound which he received in a fight with the clerk of the ship the Deux Freres. Nov. 17. We have learned that M. Bienville is much better. Nov. 18. We have been informed that the Colapissas had taken as slaves a great part of the village of the Ouachas. The rest had escaped to the French. I explain this matter in the entry of the 3rd of the present month. Nov. 19. Sr. Delatour, an officer of the troops at New Orleans, passed here about six o'clock in the evening on his way to the Colapissas in haste to order those Indians to restore the Ouachas, whom they had made slaves, and to live in peace with them. Nov. 20. The man named La Borde, who assassinated Sr. Pontual, has just been arrested at New Orleans. There are many other affairs to his account. Nov. 21. Sieur Damerval, a detailed officer commanding at Pensacola, went to the Bay of St. Joseph to reclaim the French deserters who were there. He brought back fifteen in consideration of three hundred piasters, which he paid for the expenditure which those deserters had made. Nov. 22. We have learned that at New Orleans it is a plague to get anything from the stores. Many respectable people can get nothing, not even brandy nor wine. It is only the friends who have any, although there is plenty of it for private individuals, like, and for example, Rossard, 38 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE the notary, who some days past gave an entertainment at which was drunk a cask of wine and of the best. Nov. 23. We have learned that Sr. Coustilas, an officer of the troops at N. O., who has a very fine place a league below, had presented a request to the council to have on his pay certain articles of merchandise, such as toiles de platille, etc. The council replied that if he had any piasters they would give him what he asked for. To which Sr. de Coustilas replied that they paid him only in copper money and that it ought to have currency. Nov. 24. We have learned that there are ninety people sick at N. O., with fevers and with other diseases, and that M. Bienville is much better. Nov. 25. They are engaged in the trial of that La Borde who killed Sr. de Pontual, of which I spoke in the entry of the 15th of this month. He has undergone an examination in which he confessed that he had killed him. Nov. 26. A boat, which is going to the Tensas to take on Indian corn for the company passed here. It informed us that yesterday there was a workman of the concession and a sailor who had had a keel-hauling at N. O. for having insulted a man named Drilland, disbursing clerk. Nov. 27. M. Chateaugue,^ king's lieutenant of the province, commandant at Mobile, brother of M. de Bien- ville, has arrived at New Orleans. Nov. 28. Two Spanish ships, loaded with troops, have arrived at Isle Dauphine otherwise [known as] Massacre Island. They are going to Pensacola to take possession. Nov. 29. M. Delatour, the officer who went to the Colapissas to reconcile them with the Ouachas, has passed here on his way back after having restored peace between these two nations, in accordance with his orders. Nov. 30. All of the prisoners whom Sr. Damerval, the officer, had brought back, have been set at liberty, having had for sole punishment a few days in prison. 1 Sieur Jean Baptiste Lemoyne de Chateaugue. 39 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Continuation of the Journal for the Month of December, iy22 From New Orleans. Dec. 5. The ship L'Alexandre has arrived at New- Orleans. Dec. 10. M. Guilhet, director of the company, died here of an attack of apoplexy, which lasted only 18 hours, at the end of which he gave up the ghost and was buried the same day. Dec. II. Several bundles of merchandise, belonging to Sr. Pasquier, an officer, have been seized. Sr. Marlot, a clerk at New Orleans, was involved, and they [Pasquier and Marlot] were sending that merchandise to St. Joseph Bay, a Spanish colony, to be sold. Dec. 16. A brigantine, with twelve soldiers, commanded by Sr. de Mouy, an officer, has set out. It is loaded with the best merchandise from the magazines, which they are going to [use in] trade with the Spaniards ; we do not know for whose account. From the i6th to the 21st of the same month we have been occupied with taking from the maga- zines of the company the things necessary for our trip to the Ilinnois. Departed from New Orleans for the Ilinnois. Here in the margin will be given the number of leagues.^ Dec. 22 — 3 leagues. We departed from New Orleans in a boat manned with fourteen men, nine soldiers and the rest sailors, accompanied by a pirogue manned with six men belonging to a certain Dulongpre, a Canadian living at the Ilinnois, who is returning there under our escort. The same day we reached the Chapitoulas and put in for the night. Dec. 23 — 2 leagues. Early in the morning, our men having taken to the oars, we continued our journey, and came to the Cannes Bruslees, where we arrived about il o'clock in the morning, and spent the night. ^ The date and the distance traveled each day are in the margin of the manuscript. It is to be noted, however, that the number of leagues in the margin differs in some instances from that in the text. ^ 40 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE Dec. 24 — I league. We set out about four o'clock in the evening and camped for the night a league above. Dec. 25 — 6 leagues. We departed early in the morning and had gone only a league when we perceived two boats coming down on the current, in one of which was Sr. Pail- houx, major-general, who is descending from the Natchez with his detachment [which he had taken] to make peace (as I have already explained in the Journal of last October). He told us nothing except that peace was made by the time of his arrival at the Natchez. The same day we came for dinner with the Tensas, which are on the left in ascending, where Sr. Delaire has a little shack. This Delaire was director of a concession which has not succeeded. A quarter of a league back from this concession are the Chaouachas,^ an Indian nation, which is abandoning this land on account of their disputes with the Colapissas respect- ing their medicine man. A half league higher up on the same side and on the bank of the Mississipy, there are three little villages of Germans, commanded by Sr. Darensbourg. They may be about 300 in number, including the women and children. They are the remnant of that multitude of Germans whom the company had sent here and who have, for the most part, died of destitution. The same day at half past four in the evening we arrived at the village of the Colapissas, which is on the right as you ascend and there we spent the night. This village is com- posed of 150 warriors. Their chief occupation is that of planting great quantities of Indian corn which they sell to the French in exchange for merchandise. Dec. 26 — 4 leagues. We left the Colapissas about 10 o'clock in the morning, and passed on to the Petits Colas, three leagues distant from the last village. There was in this place a house belonging to the Marquis d'Ancenys, which had been abandoned, and where at present lives the ^ The Chaouachas were closely associated with the Ouachas or Washas. 41 J I TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES | Sr. De Chavagne, who has some negroes whom, he employs ; in raising food crops. ^ ^ The same day an hour before sunset we put in for the ^ night a league above. i Dec. 27 — 6 leagues. About 6 o'clock in the morning j our men, having taken up their oars, we continued our ; journey and came for the night to the little village of the ■ Hommas Indians, which is situated on the right as you \ ascend. A half league above is the great village of the Hoummas, of the same nation, and between these two ; Indian villages, there are eight French settlements which ; are engaged in raising food crops. This nation has in all i 300 warriors, and works in the same way as the Colapissas. ; Dec. 28 — si leagues. We left about seven o'clock in i the morning and arrived for breakfast at the fork of the ; Chetimacha,- which is on the left as you ascend, distant a j league and a half from the Houmas. This is a branch of j the Mississipy, which empties into the sea. We put in for i the night four leagues above that. | Dec. 29 — 4 leagues. We continued our route, the 1 weather being cold and gloomy, and came for dinner to the ] Bayagoulas,^ a settlement which the Sr. Du Buisson exploits, j It is on the left; a league and a half back is the village of I the Chetimachas,* with whom we made peace in 1719. This nation has about 100 warriors, great eaters of the croco- j dile, or alligator, which they catch with considerable skill. < When they see one of these animals in the water (they call } them amphibious) they plunge after them and put one j hand on the lower jaw and the other on the upper jaw, and -, they bring them in this way to the shore, where they kill I them. I have seen some which were 17 feet long, including j the head and the tail. This animal has no vertebra. Two j leagues above the Bayagoulas, we camped for the night. ;< ^ Vivres. ^ Grand River in Louisiana. ^ Here a village of the Bayagoulas, a Choctaw tribe of Indians, had been nearly exterminated by the Taensas in 1706, and the site was subsequently chosen for a concession to Paris Duvernay. * A Choctaw village. 42 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE Dec. 30 — 6 leagues. We left about 6 o'clock in the morn- ing and passed Menchaeg, which is on the right as you ascend, distant five leagues from the Bayagoulas. It is a branch of the Mississipy, which empties into Lake Pon- chartrain, but so obstructed with wood that it is almost impossible to cross. However, there have been some traders who have crossed it by cutting away much of the wood. We spent the night three leagues above this place. Dec. 31 — 2 leagues. We set out at day-break and came to Dirombourg, or Baton Rouges, which is on the right as you ascend. These are the first bluffs or steep banks which we have found on the Mississipy. January, 1723 Jan. I. We have remained here, being forced to do so by the rain which has not stopped all day. Jan. 2 — 4 leagues. We left about 11 o'clock in the morning in a strong north wind and put in for the night at the Isle d'Ibervile. This is the first island there is in the main branch of the Mississipy. Jan. 3 — 2 leagues. At 7 o'clock in the morning our men took their oars and we arrived for breakfast at the begin- ning of the Pointe Coupee bluffs, which are on the right as you ascend, where there is a settlement belonging to the Marquis Demezieres, which is almost abandoned. From there we forced our oars in order to stem a very strong cur- rent which runs from the bluffs to Pointe Coupee, and from there to the settlement of M. Collys, which is on the right as you ascend, a half league above, where we spent the night. There are at this settlement about twenty French and twenty-five negroes who cultivate rice, beans, potatoes, and other things necessary to life. Jan. 4 — 5 leagues. We left this place and came for breakfast to the Riviere de la Chaudepisse, two leagues distant from the last settlement. Three leagues above that place we put in for the night. Jan. 5 — 6 leagues. About 7 o'clock in the morning we D 43 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES embarked and at dinner time reached the portage de la Croix. From there it is only two leagues by land to the Indian village of the Thonniquas, although it is ten by water. We camped two leagues above. Jan. 6 — 4 leagues. Our men having resumed their oars, we reached by dinner time the Trois Chenaux ^ (these are formed by two islands) and continuing from there we put in for the night at the entrance of Red River, which is on the left as you ascend, where we found Father Boulanger, a Jesuit missionary from the Ilinnois, who was returning there in a pirogue manned with seven men and loaded with sup- plies for the convent. Those good fathers, who are at the Ilinnois, always attentive to increase their patrimony and never satisfied with it, had detailed him (Boulanger) in order that he, while attending to their affairs, might ask for them the ownership of a salt mine which is two leagues from the Kas Kas Kias. This they have not obtained. I do not know whether they had conscientiously any reason to ask for this, but I can affirm that for this purpose they availed themselves of the least skilful of all the Jesuits. This Reverend Father Boulanger had left New Orleans eight days before our boat (that is to say, before we left). Jan. 7 — 2 leagues. We continued our route, accom- panied by the pirogue of the reverend Jesuit father, and by that of Dulongpre, who have the firm intention not to leave us until [we reach] the Ilinnois, and arrived at the village of the Thonniqua Indians, which is situated on the right as you ascend. There may be in this village 200 warriors who live on hunting and Indian corn, which they raise. There are some of them who have a smattering of Christianity, but just as they were commencing to appre- ciate the Word of God, Father Davion ^ left them, to such a degree did his own interests outweigh those of charity. We spent the night in this place. There are also in this village fifteen French places which raise rice, beans, maize and other vegetables necessary to life. Their greatest trade Is in poultry, which they go to New Orleans to sell. ^ Three Channels. ^ Antoine Davion. 44 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE Jan. 8 — 2 leagues. About lo o'clock in the morning we left the Thonniquas, which is two leagues above, on the same side, where we spent the night and purchased some Indian provisions. In this place we hired an Indian hunter to go with us as far as the Arkansas. Jan. 9 — 3 leagues. In the morning the pirogue of the Reverend Father and of Dulongpre joined us. They had remained at the first village of the Thonniquas to secure provisions. We then continued our journey and arrived at dinner time at the Chesnal du Diable, where the rain com- pelled us to spend the night. The salt meat which we brought for ourselves and our crew has given out. Our hunter does not kill anything and we have no hope [of get- ting food] until [we reach] the Yazous. It is above this post that the good hunting begins. Jan. 10 — 5 leagues. We set out about 7 o'clock in the morning and put in for the night at La Bature au Chevreuil. Jan. II — 5 leagues. Weather clear and cold. Our men resuming the oars, we continued our route and put in for the night at the Trois Chenaux, which is five leagues distant from the Natchez. Jan. 12 — 5 leagues. We continued our journey. About noon we passed the white bluffs which are on the right as you ascend. It is to be remarked that from Baton Rouges to Natchez there runs the same chain of mountains, which meet in two or three places on the banks of the Mississipy. The same day we came to spend the night at the Natchez. Jan. 13. The fort of Natchez is a rather sorry fort of piles the size of a leg, where there are two small, mounted pieces of iron cannon, with only i. brass swivel gun. Its form is square, having four bastions. It is situated at the top of the hill, which is nearly 400 feet high. There are [in the country] around this fort, which is all hills and valleys, several good habitants, who cultivate maize, beans, and other vegetables in quantity. They labor principally at tobacco raising, which grows there very fine and [is] good and abundant, but the scarcity of negroes among them prevents them from pushing forward this industry, which 45 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES would be very profitable to them and advantageous to the j colony. ; Jan. 14. We summoned the Natchez chiefs to supply us i with provisions, which they agreed to do ; also the chief of j the Tyous. This is a small nation which has its village a ! league to the south of the fort. This nation is not very i large, consisting of only 50 men bearing arms. It has the ■ same language as the Thonniquas and does not differ from ; them in any way as to customs. 1 Jan. 15. We went to the settlement of St. Catherine, j belonging to MM. Colys and Company, which is a league j back from the fort of the Natchez. We did not notice ! anything in particular there except a water mill which is : on a little river which passes through the middle of this i settlement. The houses are very ordinary and very badly • built. The Sr. Dumanoir Feaucon, who is director of this ; concession, has two officers and a surgeon, together with , some Frenchmen and negroes. I will not put them down I here because I have made a special enumeration of them ] which will be found joined hereto. The officers employ i the Frenchmen and negroes in cultivating the land so as i to grow Indian corn, beans, potatoes, and other necessities j of life. The land there is very fine and good, and is the j same kind from New Orleans to here. They employ their | Frenchmen and their negroes in the cultivation of tobacco i of which they gather every year a fairly good quantity. j Jan. 16. We were invited to go to the Terre Blanche, a \ settlement formerly the Company's, belonging to M. Le | Blanc, to be present at the appraising of the houses and | other effects which the company left to M. Le Blanc. This ; appraising was very badly done because a house which was \ worth 800 livres was valued at only 200 livres, and an entirely new bridge which certainly cost more than 2000 livres to build [was valued at] 20 ecus and so on with the rest. « We did not notice anything in particular except the land, which is very fine and good, and where one can make a very fine settlement, for the culture of tobacco and Indian foods. 46 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE The Natchez Indians are situated a league back from the fort, and are scattered along in little villages to a distance of two leagues from the aforesaid fort. These Indians number perhaps 500 warriors. They live on Indian corn which they raise and from their hunting, which consists of deer, wild turkeys, ducks, geese and other game. They also kill buffaloes, but they have to go a very long distance to find them. These are the only Indians among whom I have noticed any kind of religion. They adore the sun from which they claim that their chief is descended, and they have a temple where they keep a sacred fire, which is never extinguished, several savages being assigned to the care of the temple and to keeping up this fire. They have several festivals. One among others which they call "La Thonne," is a little like our village festivals in France. The great chief, who is called the Great Sun, is absolute, having the power of death over his subjects. It is a won- derful thing how this great chief has only to say to one of his subjects that he must die for that subject to kill himself. When this great chief dies, about a hundred [people], both men and women, kill themselves. They die of their own accord in order that (so they say) they may go to serve their great chief in the other world. It is only the great chiefs who are buried in the temple of which I have just spoken. There is among this nation a squaw chief who has as much authority as the great chief. This squaw ordinarily marries a puant, that is as we would call a man who does not go to war, and at the very most he can only, after he has arrived at this distinction, take the rank of noble. Furthermore, upon the death of his wife, he must strangle himself, and with him as many people as if he died a great chief. It is from this squaw chief that the Great Suns are born and that they are perpetuated. Nevertheless their subjects render them infinite respect and blind obedience. It is also to be remarked that the children of the Great Sun can only take the title of "spirits," and are not allowed to attain to the degree of great suns. It seems that, as I said, the Natchez Indians were scattered about in 47 TRA^^LS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES little villages, each of these villages has a chief or little sun, with a squaw chief, who are subordinate and obedient to the Great Sun and to the Great Squaw Chief, whom they do not fail to greet with yells. These yells are more than a secular adoration. There are in this nation three orders. The first consists of the great sun, the great squaw chief, with the spirits ; the second, the nobles, who include the warriors, and certain families, who have cut the throats of five or six of their children at the death of the great chief or the great squaw chief, for in this way they acquire their nobility. The French are little by little weaning them away from these barbarous customs. The third order comprises the puants, who are men considered as not being warriors, as I have already said. Polygamy is in practice here and among all the Indian nations which I have seen, but especially among these. The chiefs and the nobles can take as many wives as they please, but for the puants, when they have one, it is a good deal. Here the men do not leave their wives, but the wives leave the men to marry others, without the least com- plaint being made by those whom they leave. It is necessary, however, to make an exception in the case of the great sun : his wives may not leave him without his consent. The women are fairly passable [as to looks] for Americans, and are all precocious in matters of love. One sees among them very few girls, twelve years old, who have not several lovers, all of whom they make happy. They blacken their teeth with a certain root, a practice which is greatly esteemed among them. This, together with their tawney color, renders them rather disagreeable to those who are not prejudiced in their favor. Nevertheless, they have rather regular features, and generally like all the Frenchmen, to whom they refuse none of their favors, in return for a few glass beads or other trifles ; but the malign influences of Venus are so common that those who are wisest restrain themselves and go bridle in hand. They know how to cure all sorts of venereal diseases and have healed numerous Europeans. 48 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE In the house of the great chief (generally all of their houses are made in the shape of a dome, with neither chim- ney nor window, and only one door) in the evening, by the light of a cane torch, when the chief so orders, a sort of comedy is performed. There are some which one can look at and which are very bizarre, but there are some also which are full of all sorts of license and in which they make no difficulty in representing the most indecent actions. So much for what I more especially observed at the Natchez, both among the French and among the Indians. I do not recount here the war which our French have had with these Indians. I have made a separate Journal concerning this which will be found joined hereto. Jan. 17. I have made my review as inspector at Fort Rosalie of the Natchez. Jan. 18. The Indians have commenced to bring us pro- visions, and we have endeavored to take a census of all the inhabitants. Jan. 19. There arrived here in a pirogue a man by the name of Lehoux, clerk of the company at the Arkansas. He is going down to New Orleans to secure some things for the subsistence of the troops, not having any at all in his stores. The same day about four o'clock in the afternoon, this Lehoux left here. Jan. 20. Two hours before day there arrived from the Yazous a boat manned with ten soldiers in charge of a sergeant, which is carrying a half score of workmen for Terre Blanche. These people are from the concession of M. Le Blanc. They are abandoning the post of the Yazous because of the sickness there, and the company of Bernaval will go to the fort of the Yazous. Jan. 21. We have finished the transportation of our Indian provisions, which consist of Indian corn, some crushed and other ground into meal, and we are getting ready to depart. Jan. 22 — 3 leagues. We left the Natchez about 2 o'clock in the afternoon in company of the boat of which I have just spoken, and which is returning to the Yazous, of 49 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES ^ the pirogue of the Reverend Jesuit Father, and that of ; Dulongpre, and we put in for the night three leagues above ; the Natchez. i Jan. 23 — 6 leagues. Fine weather. Our men took up ; the oars about noon. A good wind from the south assisted ! us until evening, when we put to shore to camp for the | night. ^ _ ] Jan. 24 — 6 leagues. The stiff breeze holding, we came \ by dinner time without rowing to the Petit Gouifre, which ; is a bluff where a great eddy is formed, which is very dan- j gerous when the waters are high. Two leagues above this spot we put in for the night. Jan. 25 — 5 leagues. Fine weather. The wind being in the north, our men took up their oars and we came in time for dinner to the Grand Gouffre, so called because of the great currents which form whirlpools when the waters are i high. We camped for the night on an island two leagues | above this spot. Jan. 26. We set out about 7 o'clock in the morning, i Heavy currents, which is why we have made only four | leagues. 1 Jan. 27 — 3 leagues. Early in the morning, our people j having resumed their oars, we continued our journey. At ' noon the rain having caught us, we were obliged to seek | shelter, \ Jan. 28 — 4 leagues. The rain continued this morning j until about 11 o'clock, when, it having suddenly ceased, ! we continued our journey and made four leagues. | Jan. 29 — 3 leagues. Cold weather. Our people having I taken their oars, we continued our journey. Strong cur- ' rents, together with a violent north wind ; nevertheless we | reached for the night a little island about two leagues from \ the mouth of the Riviere des Yazous. \ Jan. 30 — 2 leagues. Weather dark and cold. We de- : parted about 10 o'clock in the morning and camped at the i entrance to the Petite Riviere des Yazous. I Jan. 31. Weather clear and fine. About 9 o'clock in | the morning we set out and arrived about noon at Fort de j 50 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE St. Pierre des Yazous, which is three leagues up this river, on the right. The concession of M. Le Blanc is in this same place. February, 1723 Feb. I. We stayed at Fort St. Pierre des Yazous, which is on a bluff. The plan of the Fort is square, having four bastions surrounded by a little moat about six feet wide and three feet deep. The commandant, who is M. Degrave, has his house in the fort, as do also the officers and the soldiers, who form two companies. It is at this fort where I have seen the best disciplined troops and where the duty is performed with exactitude, thanks to the attention of the commandant. These two companies are to go to the Natchez, as I have already said. A league above Fort St. Pierre, on the bank of the river, and on the same side, there are three Indian villages, which hardly make one. They are the Yazous, the Aufaugoulas and the Couroyes. The last are going to establish themselves on the Riviere des Ouatchitas. These nations number in all perhaps 200 warriors, who form a sort of little republic, living without recognizing any chiefs. I will say nothing of their manners and customs. I stayed there too short a time to enlighten myself concerning them. Their manner of living is suffi- ciently like that of the Natchez. Feb. 2. About 9 o'clock in the morning I made my re- view as inspector. The same day we learned from the Yazous Indians that the Chectas,^ an Indian nation, our allies, had entirely destroyed the largest village of the Chicachats, our enemies. Feb. 3. About 10 o'clock in the morning we set out from Fort St. Pierre des Yazous and put in for the night at the entrance of that river, where we joined the Jesuit father and Dulongpre, who were awaiting us there with their pirogues. Feb. 4 — 5 leagues. We departed about 8 o'clock in the morning and spent the night five leagues above. ^ Choctaws. 51 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Feb. 5 — 3 leagues. Our men took up their oars about 7 o'clock in the morning and we went about a league when we put to shore, and found several huts of the nation of Couroye Indians, whom I have already said were on the Riviere des Yazous. They were hunting. As we had no meat, we bought some buffalo, bear oil, and other meat in exchange for powder, shot, knives and other things. We put in for the night at the usual hour, which is an hour before sunset. We figured we had made three leagues. Feb. 6. Our men having taken their oars, we continued our journey against rather strong currents, and camped four leagues above. Feb. 7 — 5 leagues. It being Sunday before Lent, the Reverend Father Boulanger, the Jesuit, said mass for us after which we embarked and continued our journey. At II o'clock in the morning we perceived a little fire on the other side of the river at the end of the cove, which we were not able to reconnoitre because of the strong currents and [on account of] which, after we lost two leagues of our way, we continued our route and camped opposite a little island, having made five leagues, during the day. Feb. 8. All the past night it did not stop raining, and, the rain continuing, we have been obliged to stay here, where we noticed numerous tracks, all fresh, of buffalo, which induced us to go hunting, and to dispatch our Indian [to hunt], who has killed nothing. Feb. 9. The rain fell all the past night and continued this morning, which obliged us to remain here, Feb. 10. The rain having ceased, we continued our journey, and, three leagues above, we found seven pirogues loaded with meat which Canadian traders, established at the Ilinnois, are taking down to New Orleans to sell. They told us that diseases had been very prevalent among the Ilinnois, and that many Canadians had died. Rain having overtaken us in this place, we passed the night here. The Reverend Father Boulanger, the Jesuit, has sold many things, such as clothes and linen, at a profit of 400 per cent. Feb. II. Weather fair and cold. We remained here 52 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE with the canoes of the Canadians to dry our clothes which were wet through and through. Feh. 12. Fine weather. Our men having resumed their oars, we departed about 7 o'clock in the morning. A good current and we put in for the night three leagues above. Feh. 13 — 2 leagues. We departed about 8 o'clock in the morning and about noon we perceived on the other side of the river a herd of wild cattle, [buffaloes], which were coming there to drink, a thing which induced us to cross over and to go ashore so as to kill some of them ; but these animals, having scented us, we could not approach them. From this place we came to pass the night at a little island, which is a little above the Petite Pointe Coupee, where our Indian killed us a young roe. Feb. 14. We set out about 7 o'clock in the morning, after having heard the mass of Father Boulanger, and arrived at a little island, which is a league above, where we waited for a certain Legras, a Canadian from the pirogue of Dulongpre, and a Yazous Indian, who had departed this morning. As these two men did not return, we were obliged to camp and to fire off a gun at intervals. Feh. 15. It rained all last night and this morning, and although we have fired the gun many times, it has not been responded to, which makes us think that some misfortune must have happened to those men or that they had lost their way. The rain continued all day and did not cease until evening, when we began again to fire off our guns, which were responded to, shot for shot, but night having come, we did not send out to investigate these shots, not knowing whether they came from our enemies or from the two men. The same day we noticed that the water had risen 3 feet. Feh. 16. Fine weather. The man called Dulongpre, a Canadian, sent his pirogue manned with four men to investigate the shots which had been heard yesterday even- ing. Our men, having dried all their clothing, we set out about II o'clock in the morning and spent the night on a Si TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES large island which is two leagues above, in the hope of find- ing some buffaloes. The water rose last night 8 feet. Feb. 17. We are in great need of meat. Our men begin to grumble,^ and our Indian has hunted without having killed anything, which has determined us to leave for Grande Pointe Coupee to endeavor to kill some buffaloes, for we are reduced to Indian corn, without either meat or flour, and with no hope of killing any buffaloes from here to the Arkansas. That nation having come to hunt in these quarters, has caused these animals to withdraw into the back country. The same day at noon we arrived at Pointe Coupee, hunting all the time, and we camped there as much to hunt as to wait for the Jesuit priest and Dulongpre, who joined us at three o'clock in the afternoon without having found the two men. This determined M. Diron ^ to propose to them to set out with some Frenchmen and two Indians to go to see what had become of these two men. The past night the water rose 5 feet. Feb. 18. At day-break, Father Boulanger said mass, during which time we unloaded his pirogue and I ordered out nine Frenchmen and four Indians, and we embarked in the pirogue of the Reverend Jesuit Father, having left my secretary with fifteen men as a guard for my boat. The same day at ten o'clock in the morning, after we had drifted three leagues, we perceived in the middle of the river two men on a raft (cajeu) made of three pieces of wood tied together. They were the two men for whom we were looking. They told us that they had gotten lost in a marshy country, full of canes, through which they had diffi- culty in seeing the sun so as to guide themselves ; that they had been three days without eating ; that the 4th day they had each killed a deer ; that they had not been able to find the Mississipy ; that this morning they had at last come upon the banks of it without being able to recognize the place in which they were, and that they had resolved ^ Tomher sur les dents. ^ Artaguiette, the author of the journal. 54 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE to make this raft (cajeu) so as to drift to the first post. They had still the half of a deer and a charge of powder, which they were saving to kindle a fire with. We put about, therefore, after having taken on these two men, and by dint of rowing rejoined our boat at three o'clock in the after- noon, and spent the night there. Last night the water rose 7 feet. Feb. 19 — 5 leagues. We set out at day-break and passed the night five leagues above. Last night we noticed that the water had risen 3 feet. Today we killed three ducks. Feb. 20 — 5 leagues. Early in the morning our men hav- ing taken to their oars, the weather being fine, we put in for the night at the usual hour five leagues above our last camp, where our Indians went to hunt and returned without having seen any animals. The past night the water rose 4 feet. Feb. 21 — 6 leagues. At day-break the Reverend Jesuit Father said mass, after which we embarked and continued our journey, killed two ducks, and camped six leagues above. Today the water rose 4 feet. Feb. 22. About 5 o'clock in the morning our men having taken the oars, we continued our journey and at noon we entered the Petite Riviere de Sotehouy ^ or Arkansas, which is on the left as you ascend, and camped a league up it, looking as though it might rain. We killed two ducks. Last night the water rose 7 feet. Feb. 23 — 6 leagues. AH last night it thundered and lightened, and a little rain fell. That did not hinder us from setting out this morning at day-break. About 3 o'clock in the afternoon we passed a branch of this river, which empties into the Mississipy six leagues above that [branch] which we entered. We camped a league above. Feb. 24. We left at sunrise and arrived at the village de Sotehouy ^ about 9 o'clock in the morning. It is on the left as you ascend. The same day, at noon, Sr. La Boulaye, ^ Named for a portion of the Quapaw or Arkansas Indians. ^ Quapaw or Arkansas Indians. 55 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES commandant of the post, which is a league from here by land, and two by water, on the right as you ascend, came to see us. Feh. 25. We have made a talk to the Indians and made them promise to furnish us some provisions. The same day about 8 o'clock in the morning, the weather being gloomy, we departed, my secretary and I, and we had not gone a league when we came to the new village of the Arkansas, .who lived not so very long ago twelve leagues higher up on the Mississipy, on the left, as you ascend. We embarked from there in a little pirogue to go to the settlement of AI. Law, which is a quarter of a league dis- tant by water from this village. We arrived there at 11 o'clock in the morning. We did not notice anything in particular. There are only three miserable huts, fourteen Frenchmen and six negroes, whom Sr. Dufresne, who is the director there for the company, employs in clearing the land. Since they have been on this land they have not even been able to raise Indian corn for their own nourishment, and they have been compelled to trade for it and to send even to the Ilinnois for it.^ The same day at 2 o'clock in the afternoon we em- barked in a little Indian pirogue and arrived at about 4 o'clock in the evening at the post, where are the troops commanded by Sr. La Boulaye. There is no fort at all. The commandant there has only a little hut. There is also a sort of barn which serves as a lodging for the soldiers, who are very badly equipped in every respect. There are also in the vicinity of this post, on the banks of the river, many French habitants, who are all men dismissed from the concession belonging heretofore to M. Law. The Jesuit father baptised there two French children and performed two marriage ceremonies. Feh. 26. In the morning I made my review at the com- pletion of which I departed to join my boat, which had ^ The Company granted John Law a concession twelve miles square on the Arkansas, he agreeing to settle upon it a colony of fifteen hundred Germans. 56 JOURX-\L OF DIROX D'ARTAGUIETTE remained at the village of Sotehouy two leagues below by water and one league by land. I found my detachment very much incensed at the Indians, who w^re playing a thousand tricks upon them. This forced me to make them promise to discontinue these practices, which promises they observed very religiously all the time that I remained there. Feh. 27. I have had collected all the purchased provi- sions which have cost us rather dear. The nation of Arkan- sas was formerly separated into two villages, one on the banks of the Mississipy, 12 leagues from here as you ascend, called the great village of the Arkansas, and this one, which is on the Riviere de Sotehouy, as I have already said. The first has come to establish itself near the second, on the same river. This nation has perhaps 300 warriors. They clothe themselves, as well as their women and chil- dren, in buffalo skins, and plant Indian corn, which is their principal food, together with their hunting, which consists of wild cattle, stags, deer and bear. These Indians w^orship the moon, to which they are accustomed to pray every evening. These are surely the coarsest and the most super- stitious savages that I know in Louisiana. They have a method of healing their sick which is very peculiar. About a year ago almost all of them were afflicted with smallpox (a disease unknown among the Indians before the French came among them). Their medicine men, who are jugglers, begin by approaching the sick person, uttering at the same time horrible yells and making frightful contortions, which they continue for an hour, so as to conjure the evil spirit to depart. At the end of this time they pour over the sick person five or six pails of w^ater, which was almost ice (for it was in the winter) after which they chase away the spirit with imprecations, and, acting as if they held it, they put it out of the tent, whereupon is concluded the treat- ment, which is twice a day, until the patient is either dead or cured. If he recovers, the juggler or medicine man is highly esteemed and well paid, but if on the other hand he dies, the medicine man receives nothing, but, on the con- 57 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES trary, he loses much of the respect which they formerly had for him. They believe in metempsychosis, with this reservation : that they believe that the soul of their relatives does not take up its abode in the wild animals which they kill or in their enemies. I have seen an Indian of this nation kill a buffalo and make a sign to several French people who were present not to come near until he had given numerous yells and had spoken some words which we did not understand, after which he told us that it was an enemy, who was in the body of this animal. The women are passable for Americans, and are all very well-behaved, for I do not believe that there is a man in the colony who can boast of having had any gallant rela- tions with any Arkansas girl or woman. The reason which is offered for this is rather curious, if one cares to believe the interpreters, who say that their men make them believe that they would die if they had the least intercourse with us. The women do all the work except the hunting which is the ordinary occupation of the men, as is also the dress- ing of the buffalo skins, upon which they paint designs with vermilion and other colors. These skins are very highly prized among the other nations. Feb. 28. It rained all of last night and the rain con- tinues, which has made us put off our departure until tomorrow. March, 1723 Mar. I — 3 leagues. Early in the morning we set out from the village of Sotehouy so as to continue our journey, having left there the Jesuit father and Dulongpre who are making a search for a young man who deserted from the pirogue of the Jesuit father. Between nine and ten o'clock in the morning we entered the Mississipy by the upper branch and continued our journey with a favorable wind until about noon, when the wind having become contrary, we put to shore to await the two pirogues. We figured that we have made 7 leagues S8 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE today, 4 In the Petite Riviere de Sotehouy and 3 in the Misslssipy. Mar. 2. Fine weather. We were obliged to remain here to await the two pirogues of the Reverend Father and of Dulongpre, who did not join us until very late in the evening, without having found their man. The water rose 5 feet the past night. Mar. J — 5 leagues. We departed early in the morning in company with the Reverend Jesuit Father and Dulong- pre, to each of whom we had to give a man as otherwise they would not have been able to follow us. The same day we reached and camped at the old village of the Arkansas. The water rose 6 feet last night. Mar. 4. — 2 leagues. We made two leagues today against a heavy current. The rain, which overtook us, was the cause of our having gone into camp alone, the Jesuit father and Dulongpre having gone on ahead because they make very poor progress. Mar. 5 — 2 leagues. Our men having taken to their oars about 6 o'clock in the morning, we continued our journey and joined the Reverend Father and Dulongpre by break- fast. The weather was bad which was the reason we made only two leagues. The water rose 6 feet last night. Mar. 6 — 3 leagues. We departed about 7 o'clock in the morning with heavy currents and a contrary wind. At noon the Reverend Jesuit Father and Dulongpre fell be- hind, not being able to follow us, which caused us to camp two hours before sunset so as to wait for them. We figured that we had made 3 leagues today. Mar. J. Fine weather. We were obliged to wait for the pirogues of the Reverend Father and Dulongpre, who joined us with great difficulty about 9 o'clock in the morning. We then continued our journey against heavy currents and camped 3 leagues above. Killed a biistard which gave us great pleasure, as we and our men were reduced to eating Indian corn with water and salt. We noticed that the past night the water had receded half a foot. Mar. 8 — 2 leagues. We departed about 6 o'clock in the E 59 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES morning and arrived about noon at Cap a I'Anguille, so called because of some travellers having caught eels there. This is a bluff which juts out into the Mississipy, on the left as you ascend. There we went ashore to make some oars, as we no longer had any spare [oars]. We spent the night there. Mar. 9. We departed about 6 o'clock in the morning and arrived about 10 o'clock at the mouth of the St. Fran- cois River, which is on the left as you ascend, where, having noticed some buffalo tracks, quite newly made, we resolved to camp and go hunting. Many of our Frenchmen having set off for the chase (we no longer had any Indians as they left us at the Arkansas) saw some buffaloes but were not able to kill them. We are, however, in great need of them as our men are beginning to get tired of boiled lean meat.^ Mar. 10 — 3 leagues. In the morning we had a little rain, which lasted until about 9 o'clock. This having ceased, we set out and travelled till an hour before sunset, when we camped for the night. We figured that we had gone 3 leagues. The water fell a foot last night. Mar. II — 5 leagues. Weather gloomy and foggy. We departed about 7 o'clock in the morning. At noon with fine weather and a good south wind, we made a league by sail, without rowing. The Reverend Father and Dulong- pre went ashore to hunt, and we continued our journey. About an hour before sunset we went ashore to camp for the night. We estimated that today we had gone five leagues. The water fell last night a foot and a half. Mar. 12 — 2 leagues. We departed about 7 o'clock in the morning and arrived about 10 o'clock at the Chenal du Diable, where, having gone ashore to hunt, we killed a cow. At noon we were joined by the Reverend Father and Dulongpre, who have not killed anything. We gave them a part of our meat, and spent the night in the same place. The water fell last night a foot. Mar. 13 — 3 leagues. The weather was gloomy, but it ^ Gras a Peau sans graisse. 60 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE did not hinder us from setting out about 8 o'clock in the morning, against heavy currents. We put in for the night three leagues above. As we were about to camp we per- ceived on the other side of the river a herd of buffaloes. The pirogue of Dulongpre crossed over, but they killed nothing. The water fell last night two feet. Mar. 14. The Reverend Jesuit Father said mass this morning. A violent north by northwest wind with light- ning and thunder, accompanied by rain, which continued all day. This forced us to remain here in spite of ourselves. Mar. 15 — 4 leagues. We departed about 6 o'clock in the morning. Gloomy weather, which cleared. About noon fine weather and good currents. About an hour before sunset as we were about to camp, one of the Frenchmen went ashore and killed a buffalo. We camped for the night at the same place. We estimated that we had gone four leagues. The past night the water fell three feet. Mar. 16 — 3 leagues. Fine weather and a good north- west wind brought us without rowing to the Riviere a Margot, where we had dinner. In this place we had a violent and contrary wind, which was the reason we made only one league. The hour for camping having come, we put to shore and killed a cow, which we were not able to take, the night having overtaken us. The past night the water fell two feet. Mar. ly — 2 leagues. Two of our Frenchmen went ashore (while we continued our journey) to look for the cow which they had killed yesterday, but they found that it had been entirely devoured by the wolves. They killed another and came to join us a league above our last camp, where they had gone ashore to search for it [the cow]. After we had divided it between the two pirogues and ourselves, we continued our journey and had not gone a league when a violent northwest wind forced us to go ashore to take shelter for the night. Mar. 18. — A violent north wind blew the past night which increased this morning, and still continues. This has decided us to remain here. 61 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Mar. 19 — 2 leagues. Weather gloomy and cold. We departed about 7 o'clock In the morning, and we proceeded until about noon when it began to snow. This obliged us to go ashore to camp. The snow continued until evening. About 2 o'clock that afternoon a hundred paces from us three buffaloes threw themselves into the water and crossed over to the other side. Mar. 20 — 3 leagues. We set out about 7 o'clock in the morning. Gloomy weather and heavy currents. We journeyed till an hour before sunset when we put to shore to camp for the night. One of our men having gone about two arpents inland, killed a buffalo. We estimated that we had gone three leagues today. Mar. 21 — 5 leagues. Palm Sunday. The Jesuit father said mass, after which we embarked and rowed until break- fast, when a southeast wind sprung up. We hoisted our sail and came without the use of oars to the Seconds Ecores a Prud'homme, where the wind having failed us we put to shore to camp. We estimated that we had made five leagues. Mar. 22. The thunder, lightning and rain continued all of the past night. At 10 o'clock in the morning the rain ceased. The weather was still cloudy and cold. We were obliged to remain, the winds having gone around to the north and becoming violent. Mar. 23 — 3 leagues. Weather cloudy and cold. How- ever, we embarked and came in spite of the currents to eat dinner two leagues above, where we killed a fat she bear of enormous size. A league above we killed a buffalo. We camped there. Mar. 24. All the past night it has not ceased to rain, and this morning the rain continuing, we have been obliged to remain. Mar. 25. Fine weather. We departed about 7 o'clock in the morning, after having heard the mass of the Reverend Jesuit Father. We breakfasted on top of the Ecores a Prud'homme, and passed the night in spite of a heavy current three leagues above where we killed [incomplete]. This is the place where Langevin, father and son, were 62 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE captured by the Chicachats. Some of the other French- men who were in the same pirogue killed a buffalo. The past night the water rose a foot. Mar. 26 — 4 leagues. Weather clear and cold. We set out about 6 o'clock in the morning against a heavy cur- rent, and ate dinner at the beginning of the Isle au Cana- diens, where we saw a pirogue and some broken chests. From this place we went to spend the night a league above. We estimated that we had gone four leagues. Mar. 27. About six o'clock in the morning, we departed, the weather was cloudy. We had not gone a league when we were forced to go ashore to seek shelter, the rain having overtaken us. Our men went hunting and killed two buffaloes, about a league above. This induced us, the weather becoming fine, to embark so as to get the two buffaloes, and we deter- mined to spend the night there in spite of the fact that the fine weather continued. Mar. 28. We remained here to celebrate the holy Easter festival, and to give time to our men to make their devo- tions. The Reverend Father said high mass for us this morning, and, after noon, vespers. There were only two men in our boat who did not take communion. Mar. 29. The Reverend Jesuit Father said mass for us this morning, after which we had hopes of continuing our journey but there came on a heavy rain which continued all day and which forced us to remain. The past night the water rose 4 feet. Mar. 30. The lightning, thunder and rain continued without ceasing all last night. This morning the rain con- tinues, which has made it impossible for us to depart. We noticed that the water had risen 3 feet since yesterday. Mar. 31. Fine weather. We set out at day-break and had not gone a league when we met seven pirogues full of traders living among the Ilinnois, who had been hunting in the Riviere de Ouabache.^ They are loaded with salt meat ^ Ohio River. 63 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES and bear oil, which they are going to sell at New Orleans. They were not able to tell us any news from the Ilinnois as it had been four months since they left there. We camped in this place, both to write by this way to the sea [i.e. to avail ourselves of this opportunity of sending letters], and to dry our clothes. The past night the water rose 4 feet. April, 1^2^ Apr. I — 4 leagues. At day-break the Reverend Jesuit Father said mass for us, at which the traders attended. After this was over we embarked and continued our journey. Heavy currents and contrary winds. However, we went four leagues today. After we had camped, one of our men went hunting and killed a buffalo. In this place Dulong- pre sent his pirogue back to the seat and put part of his people in our boat and part in the pirogue of the father ; and the Reverend Jesuit Father got into our boat. The water rose last night 2 feet. Apr. 2 — 4 leagues. We departed about 6 o'clock in the morning and proceeded until breakfast time, when, having seen a herd of buffaloes, our Frenchmen went after them and killed one which was found to be very fat. Apr. 3 — 6 leagues. Fine weather. We set out about 5 o'clock in the morning and came to breakfast at La Petite Prairie, and from this place, in spite of heavy currents, we came to camp five leagues above. Apr. 4. The fine weather continues. The Jesuit father said mass, after which our men taking up their oars we con- tinued our journey and came to eat dinner at the place where Chesne, a Canadian, had been killed, together with an Arkansas. They were going up the Ilinnois from this place. We went on and camped a league above. The past night the water rose four feet. Apr. 5 — 4 leagues. The Reverend Father said mass for us this morning, after which we embarked and continued our journey. At noon two of our men having wished to go hunting, lost their way. We waited for them, firing guns 64 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE ^ at Intervals, which they heard. They joined us after having kept us waiting two hours and a half. We then continued our journey and camped at the usual hour, having made four leagues today. With much difficulty we found a place to camp. Apr. 6 — 5 leagues. The water rose last night four feet. Fine weather and very warm. We departed at day-break and proceeded all day against heavy currents. We were until night before we could find any land to camp on, the two banks of the river being inundated. At length we found a little place about two arpents in size where we spent the night. Apr. 7 — 3 leagues. We departed at day-break, the weather being fine, and journeyed until about ii o'clock in the morning, when a south by southeast wind began to blow with violence, and we went a good league without rowing when, the wind changing suddenly to the south- west, we undertook to cross, and when we were half way over we had a gust of wind west by southwest, which made us take water over the side. We were obliged to take down our sail and to finish the crossing with the oar. On the other side we found very fortunately a little bayou which we entered for shelter. The pirogue of the Reverend Jesuit Father was in very great peril and had much difficulty in joining us in the place in which we were. At length [the squall] having ceased we resolved to continue our journey so as to find a place to camp. Apr. 8. All last night there was lightning in the west and this morning rain, which did not hinder us from setting out, and from going to the iron mine to hunt, as our men had no meat. We arrived there about lo o'clock in the morning, and there we camped. As soon as we were on land our Frenchmen went hunting and killed two buffalo, two deer and a wild turkey. Apr. 9. Weather clear and cold. We have been obliged to remain here so as to make oars and to give our men some rest. Apr. 10 — I league. Gloomy weather. However we 6s TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES departed about 7 o'clock in the morning, and, the rain having overtaken us, we were obliged to put ashore a league above. Our men went hunting and killed a buffalo, three wild turkeys and a young deer. Apr. II — 4 leagues. All last night there was thunder and rain, which continued until about 11 o'clock in the morning, which having ceased, we embarked, after having heard the mass of the Reverend Jesuit Father, and put in for the night at the usual hour four leagues above our last camp. Apr. 12 — 2 leagues. It rained all last night and con- tinued this morning until noon, when we embarked to con- tinue our journey. High winds and strong currents, in spite of which we reached the Riviere de Ouabache,^ which is on the right as you ascend, where we camped. We noticed that this river had all overflowed, and that it pushes back the Mississipy, which is very low. Apr. 13 — 8 leagues. Fine weather. We departed about 5 o'clock in the morning and came to eat dinner 4 leagues above the Ouabache at the place where the Sioux, an Indian Nation (who live towards the head of the Mississipy, a hundred leagues above the Ilinnois), had killed a man called Desnepveus, his wife, and two of his children. They were coming from Canada to establish themselves at the Ilinnois. From here we came to pass the night at the place where M. de Longuiel had been killed, [and] where we have been confirmed (in our opinion) that the Mississipy was very low. In this place we killed three bears. We estimated that we had gone eight leagues. Apr. 14 — 6 leagues. Weather fine and cold. At day- break we embarked and came in time for dinner to Cap a la Cruche, so called because a Canadian, in ascending to the Ilinnois from Isle D'Auphine had broken there a jug or an earthen pot. Here the north winds began to blow, which is the reason we made only two leagues, and camped. It is to be noted that from the Ouabache up to this point we ^ Ohio River, to the lower part of which the name Wabash was then often given. 66 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE found no currents. The reason is, as I have said, that the Ouabache is high, the Mississipy very low, the former pushing back the latter. Apr. 15 — 8 leagues. Fine weather. We set out at day-break, no current, the wind from the southeast. We went two leagues of the way without rowing, and came to pass the night a league below Cap St. Anthoine. Apr. 16 — 8 leagues. Fine weather and a good south wind, which enabled us to round with shipped oars Cap. St. Anthoine where we had breakfast. This is a rock, round in shape, high and steep, so called because a com- pany of traders have sojourned there during the feast of St. Anthony. The wind continuing we came without the use of oars to eat dinner at the Cap a I'Ail, so called because there grows there a great deal of garlic which is very good and which does not differ in any way from that of France. Here the wind left us. Our men took up the oars and we continued our journey to above Cap St. Cosme, where we spent the night. This is a high and steep rock, forming a point which juts out into the Mississipy, so named by M. de St. Cosme, ^ priest of the seminary of Canada, when he was descending from the Ilinnois to Mobile. Apr. ly. At midday we arrived at the entrance of the Petite Riviere des Cascakias,^ which is on the right as you ascend. It is two leagues up this river on the left (on the right is a border of high mountains) in a vast prairie that is situated the French village called the Cascakias, which is composed entirely of farmers who live there very com- fortably. French wheat grows very well there and of a fine quality, of which they gather a fairly large quantity, which they sell for the subsistence of the troops. All the other vegetables necessary to life grow very well there. Their houses are all built of frame timbers on the ground. The chimneys are of stone, of which they could very easily build their entire houses, as the stone there is of very ^ Jean Frangois de St. Cosme, an early missionary to the Indians at Cahokia and Natchez. ^ Kaskaskia River. 67 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES good quality and ready at hand, but the scarcity of men has prevented them from undertaking this work. Several inhab- itants also have horse tread mills of their own with which they grind their French wheat. There is also a church there, which is certainly the finest in the colony. This church is ministered to by a Jesuit who performs the functions of curate and takes the tithes which are fairly large. There is in this village a windmill made of wood, belong- ing to the Reverend Jesuit Fathers. It was formerly placed on the bank of the Petite Riviere, but as it got little wind in this place, they considered it wise to place it in the middle of the prairie, upon their own land, where it is cer- tainly better off. The Jesuit priests have a little farm in this place, which they manage themselves. I do not give here the number of their cattle nor their other property, because I have put it in a general enumeration which will be found affixed hereto. It is six leagues by land and twelve by water from this village to Fort de Chartres. A league higher up on the same side on the road which leads to Fort de Chartres and upon the same river is found the settlement of Sr. Melicq, lieutenant of the company of Artaguiette, which he manages himself. They gather here French wheat, maize, beans, peas, pumpkins and other vegetables. From this place, continuing along the road to Fort de Chartres, at the upper end of the same prairie as that upon which Sr. MeHcq is, a half league higher up on the bank of the same river, is the Indian village of the Ilinnois, who number about 200 warriors. From this village one goes on through beautiful wide prairies which are cut only by a few fringes of timber, to the above-mentioned Fort de Chartres. Apr. 18 — 5 leagues. We set out from the mouth of the Petite Riviere and came to pass the night at the salt spring, which is on the left side of the Mississipy. (This is a foun- tain of salt water which has its ebb and flow Hke the ocean.) The habitants use it to make salt, which they make by boiling the water in caldrons till a certain amount has been boiled away, and when this is done, the water crystallizes 68 JOURNAL OF DIROX D'ARTAGUIETTE of itself and forms a fairly good salt. They go there every year to get a supply of it. It is only two leagues from here to the village of the Cascakias, although it is seven leagues in making the detour by the Petite Riviere. Upon leaving the Cascakias they make the west ^ and come upon the Mississipy, which they cross by means of pirogues, which they take care to have in readiness here. From this salt spring going west fourteen leagues back is the region of the mines which M. de la Motte Cadillac,^ formerly commandant of the country, had opened up about the year 171 5. Before arriving at these mines, which are a chain of mountains in the middle of which flows a brook, one crosses over for about a half league a mountain which is all stone, as clear as crystal and very sharp. Two leagues to the west of this mine is a river, called the St. Francois River. It is very beautiful. They claim that is the same St. Francois River which has its mouth twenty leagues above the Arkansas. This was a discovery which we had intended to make, but did not. Apr. 19 — 5 leagues. We departed from this place and arrived at 5 o'clock in the afternoon at Fort de Chartres, which is on the bank of the Mississipy, on the right as you ascend. From the salt spring to Fort de Chartres is five leagues. Fort de Chartres is a fort of piles the size of one's leg, square in shape, having two bastions, which command all of the curtains. There are two companies of infantry in garrison commanded by M. de Boisbriant, Knight of the military order of St. Louis, first royal lieutenant of the province. There is a church outside of the fort and some dwellings a half league lower down on the same side as well as half a league above as far as little village of the Ilinnois where there are two Jesuit fathers, missionaries, who have a dwelling and a church. This little village which is called ^ I mean to say they go to the west. (This note is in the margin of the manuscript.) 2 Cadillac was governor of Louisiana in 1712-1716, while Antoine Crozat, the predecessor of the Western Company, was proprietor. 69 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Mechiquamias ^ numbers perhaps about 200 warriors. From there one goes through a large and vast prairie a league and a half to the northwest where M. Renaut,^ director of the mines, is established with two score Frenchmen, all laborers. This place is a quarter of a league distant from the Missis- sipy. There is a fort, with stakes the size of a leg. The shape is that of two horse shoes, one turning in and the other turning out, with two square bastions. There are in this fort a church, four houses, frame, and one of stone, which was begun last year but which the work of the mines pre- vented from being finished. About a half league to the east of this fort are two large marshes which in the winter time are covered with wild geese, bustards, ducks, teal, and other game. When we arrived Sr. Renaut had left, about the month of March of the present year, to go to a mine in the Riviere Maramecq,^ with a detachment of ten men, commanded by a sergeant. He is still there and is working hard. We hope upon his return, which cannot long be delayed, that we shall learn the truth as to whether these mines are valuable. The trade of the inhabitants of the Ilinnois, who are Canadians, French or discharged sol- diers, consists in selling their wheat and other products to the company for the subsistence of the troops, in exchange for merchandize (which they are obliged to fetch from New Orleans) which they trade to the Indians for quarters of buffalo, bear oil and other meats, which serve them for food or which they sell in exchange for merchandize. They also trade in skins, such as beaver, buck and deer, buffalo and bear skins, and other peltries, which they get very cheap from the Indians, and which they sell at a very high price to the traders who come down from Canada every spring and autumn, and who give them merchandize in exchange. For it is not necessary for them to rely upon having their needs supplied from New Orleans, whence very few convoys ^ Michigamea. ^ Philippe Frangois Renault arrived at Fort Chartres in 1720 with 200 miners and artisans, and 500 negro slaves. ^ Meramec River, which joins the Mississippi at Saint Louis. 70 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE come, and even when they do come they bring so few mer- chandizes that they are not nearly sufficient to pay a part of the debts which the company is obliged to incur every year. The Ilinnoise Nation was formerly numerous, but the continual wars, and principally the one against the Iroquois, a well-known and war-like nation, have so enfeebled them that they number at present not more than 700 warriors. They are scattered about in three villages — the Cascakias, the Mekchiquamias and the Cahokias. The last village is 18 leagues by land and 15 by water from Fort de Chartrcs. Here are four soldiers in garrison, commanded by Sr. de St. Anges.^ One hundred and ten leagues from Fort de Char- tres, up the Riviere des Ilinnois, there used to be two villages of the same nation, the Peorias and the Roches, but they were forced to abandon these villages and to with- draw to the above-mentioned villages, because of the Outagamis ^ nation or the Renards, who last year came clear to their villages to attack them. The Ilinnois are in general the handsomest and the best built savages that I have seen. Proud and arrogant at home, they are the most cowardly of men when they are out of sight of their own village. They live on maize and their hunt, which con- sists of buffalo, deer, foe, wild turkeys and other game, which is in abundance. They clothe themselves and also their women with buffalo skins, which they dress on the flesh side and leave the hair which is long and fine, but after a while when the French came among them, they began to learn the French way of dressing. They recognize a good and an evil spirit, to whom they give a few attributes. They believe also in metemsychosis. The Jesuit fathers who have for more than thirty years been among them, have up to the present failed in their attempts to make them understand that God made himself man and died for us. Their huts are oval in shape, surrounded and covered with mats which they make out of rushes which they get from the marshes. These huts have only one opening ^ St. Ange, the father of Louis St. Ange de Bellerive. 2 Fox. 71 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES through which they come in and go out and get the light. They carry them with them when they go to hunt, at which they are engaged for at least seven months of the year. They prepare their food in the filthiest manner and make no objections to eating after their dogs, which they have in great number, and which they eat when they have their war feasts. The men concern themselves only with hunting and with making war, employing the remainder of the time in eat- ing and in staining themselves (or in painting their faces) which they do with red, yellow, black, blue or other colors. Among them the most bizarre are considered the best painted. Their manner of making war is as barbarous as their persons. If they go to war and have the good fortune to capture any children, women or men, they kill them and remove their scalps, which they carry home in triumph. If they bring back any slaves, upon their arrival they are given over to the old men, who have the power to give them life or death. When they have condemned their prisoner to be burned they tie him to a boat and burn him — today one part of the body and tomorrow another, and sometimes for three days and three nights. I have seen some of these unfortunates, who kept singing up to their last breath. It is to be remarked that if the chief of the party loses one of his warriors, be it by voluntary death or otherwise, or when they win the battle without losing a man, he must recompense the relatives of the dead warrior, and the rela- tives of the warriors who were in the war with this chief enter his hut and take whatever they find. They are at quits with him when they say, "My relative has aided thee to make a prisoner." This is why they are very often constrained to flee in order to avoid these persecutions. This is also why all of these people go to war and return without striking a blow. They recognize no chief. There are chiefs, however, but they have so little authority that they do not deserve to bear this title, for the last in the tribe considers himself as great a master as the first. They marry very young. Here are all the ceremonies 72 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE which I have seen observed in their marriages. A good hunter (to be a good hunter is esteemed the greatest merit among them) who wishes to marry a girl to whom he per- haps has never spoken (the boys conversing very little with the girls) sends by his parents to the father of the girl a present of skins and other merchandize. If the present is accepted the parents of the girl take her in the evening to the hut of the groom. They can have several wives, ex- cept the converts who are not numerous, and even they prefer (so they say) to refrain from going to the good fathers rather than deprive themselves of the pleasure of having two or three wives. The women occupy themselves with housework, in sew- ing and gathering the Indian corn, in dressing deer and buffalo skins and the rest of the time they do porcupine work, which is very well known in France (where a good deal of it has been sent). In return their husbands leave to them the say as to the buying and selling. The husband has full power and authority over his wives, whom he looks upon as his slaves, and with whom he does not eat. How- ever, they separate one from the other, upon the consent of both parties. The married women indulge very little in gallantry (although they are all naturally inclined towards love) because of their fear of punishment, for their husbands, who are more jealous than the Spaniards, scalp them upon the least proof of their infidelity. As for the young girls, they are the mistresses of their own bodies (to use their own expression). The good Jesuit fathers are endeavoring as much as possible to instil virtue in them, but they have not as yet succeeded. I forgot to say that I have not seen any Indians who are more agile or who run more swiftly than the Ilinnois. They begin to exercise themselves from their earliest youth, which is of great advantage to" them, escaping when they are hard pressed by the enemy. There are some (if one is to believe the Canadians) who have made forty leagues in a day. I have seen them go and return from the Cascakias to Fort de Chartres, which is ten full leagues, in four hours. This is an absolute fact. 73 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES I do not speak here of their dances. They are as bar- barous as their manner of living is unrefined. Necessity has forced these Indians to find many good simples for healing their wounds or other accidents. As for the other diseases which come from the corruption of the blood, they did not have them at all before seeing the French. They know also many roots from which they make very good dyes, red, black and yellow. The climate of the Illinois is very temperate and healthy, being 38° in lati- tude. The soil is very rich and fertile. It has never yet failed to produce anything which has been planted in it. It is to be remarked that the winter is very severe, since the Mississipy freezes over and one has to cross it on the ice to go to hunt on the other side. The stone there is very good for building, and very common. It only needs some men to work it. The fruits which I have seen are some red plums which are very good. There are also some apples the size of an egg, but very acid to the taste, and some currants, which do not differ in the least from those of France. There are some walnut trees which bear nuts, but of a very bad taste. There is another kind of nut tree which bears fruit just like a walnut but much smaller. The shell is very thin and the inside is exactly like our French walnut. They call this fruit the paquannes.^ There is another tree which does not grow any larger than a leg, which bears a fruit called the asmine, which is almost like the banana. The inside is entirely filled with little seeds or nuts, which are the shape of a marsh bean, and very hard. They taste very good. The wood which I have seen is very fine, and suitable for building, especially the walnut and the paquanier. The mulberry trees here bear fruit similar to those of Europe. The wood of the mulberry tree lasts for thirty years in the ground, without rotting. There are two kinds of elms, which are very beautiful, and two kinds of oak. The white oak can be worked up very easily, but the other, which is ^ This is the pecan. 74 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE red, is as hard as iron. There are also some grapes, which are very good and plentiful. Their vines climb to the top of the highest trees, and when one wishes to get the grapes it is necessary to cut down the tree, which is why one says commonly that they make the vintage with a hatchet. Apr. 25. About 2 o'clock in the afternoon a man called Perilaud, clerk of the Ilinnois stores, ran a man named Morin, drummer for the company of Artaguiette, through the body with his sword, for having spoken impertinently to him. This Morin died a quarter of an hour after he received the blow, and Perilaud has been arrested. Apr. 26. M. d'Artaguiette presented a request to M. Boisbriant in which he asked that he be permitted to testify against the said Perilaud. This request was responded to the same day with permission to testify. Apr. 27 and 28. They have been occupied with the ex- amination of several witnesses. Apr. 29. In the morning, M. De Lisle, performing the functions of major of the above-mentioned post, in the capacity of King's procureur, conducted the examination of the accused. Apr. 30. Three Miami Indians arrived here yesterday evening. We learned that the Wiatanons ^ Indians, living up toward the head of the Riviere de Wabache, were leaving that place to go to establish themselves at their old village of La Babiche, which is on a little river which empties into Lake Erie. The same day there arrived a party of 200 Illinois warriors, who were on their way to make war upon the Renards. May, 1723 May I . Two boats of the convoy of M. De Tonty, which they had detained here, set out last night, without orders, to return to New Orleans. May 2. An Indian from the Cahoskias ^ arrived here, who told us that four Mysouri Indians had come to them ^ Wea. 2 Cahokias. ' 75 i TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES and had said that as soon as their planting was finished they were going to come to pay their respects to M. Boisbriant. May 3. The chiefs of the villages of the Cascakias, namely Kiraoueria, Michel and Mamentouensa, having heard the report that they were going to put to death the man called Perilaud, held in chains for having killed the man called Morin, came today to Fort de Chartres with a band of thirty men from their nation to ask for his pardon. We beg the Commissioners to refer to two sheets of paper joined hereto, where the harangues of these Indians and the re- sponses are given at length. May 5. We departed from Fort de Chartres for the Cascakias, where we arrived about 2 o'clock in the afternoon. May 6, 7 and 8. I received visits from the reverend Jesuit fathers, and from all of the inhabitants. May 9. I called together all the inhabitants of this village to whom I said that I had an order from the King to form a company of militia for the purpose of putting them in a position to defend themselves with greater facility against the incursions which the Indians, our enemies, might attempt, so I formed a company, after having selected four of the most worthy among them to put at the head. This com- pany being under arms, I passed it in review the same day. May 10. An Ilinnois Indian has informed us that the Renards were going toward the Rocher with the purpose of establishing themselves there. May II. We left the Cascakias about noon and arrived about 5 o'clock in the afternoon at Fort de Chartres, where we found a band of Indians from the village of the Choaskias,^ who had come to ask for the pardon of Sr. Perilaud. There will be found on a sheet of paper affixed hereto their har- angues and the replies which M. Boisbriant made to them. May 12. The chief of the Indians from the Cahoskias presented me with a porcelain necklace, at the same time wishing me all sorts of happiness, and a fine journey and one free from enemies. ^ Cahokias, near the site of the present city of Saint Louis. 76 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE May 13 and 14. The confrontation of the witnesses in the affairof Perilaud was continued. From this day until the 19th of the present month nothing of importance has taken place. May 19. About midnight there arrived a party of Ilinnois Indians, who are carrying back with them the head and the scalp of a Chicachat. May 24. The Mysouri Indians, a nation situated 100 leagues up this river, on the left as you ascend, have arrived here to see M. Boisbriant. May 27. Day of the Feast of Our Lord.^ The procession of the Blessed Sacrament was made, the troops under arms lining the streets. The same day about one o'clock in the afternoon M. Renaut, director of mines, arrived here from the Maramek mines where he went a month and a half ago to join the thirty or so Frenchmen who were working at getting out the ore. Sr. Renaut keeps at these mines, not without great expense, all Frenchmen, who have been there for more than six months. There is perhaps about six thousand pounds weight of lead melted down. These mines are situated to the northwest from Fort de Chartres, or ten leagues above. One enters the Petite Riviere de Maramek, which is dry for three fourths of the year. After having navigated for about sixty leagues through very strong rapids, one lands and goes five leagues inland. At this place is the mine where Sr. Renaut works. He has brought along some of this ore for the purpose of making some assays of it in our presence to send by us to his Royal Highness, my lord the Duke of Orleans. May 28. Two Ilinnois Indians arrived here very late yesterday evening. They had set out about fifteen days ago to the number of thirty men to go to war against the Renards. They had not gone forty leagues from here when they were attacked by a part of the latter, who killed eleven of their men. The rest escaped. May 31. The man called Perilaud, who killed the drum- mer, has been set at liberty. ^ Corpus Christi. 77 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES June, 1723 June I. At noon we perceived in the middle of the river a French canoe, with a man in it who seemed to us not to be rowing. We sent out a pirogue which brought back this canoe in which was a man called Ponpon, a soldier detailed to the Cahoskias. He had received two gun shots, one in the head and the other in the arm, and several other arrow shots and had his scalp torn off to the skull. In the stern of the canoe there was a bundle of skins, upon which there were two pairs of Indian mittens, and the vest of M. St. Ange, the son, in the pocket of which we found some letters from MM. St. Ange, father, and Mercier,^ the priest, which informed us that the Renard Indians were coming with 300 men by land and as many by water to attack the village of the Cahoskias. They besought M. Boisbriant to send to their aid both men and provisions. At four o'clock in the after- noon the troops were put under arms for the distribution of powder and balls, and to see if the guns were in good condi- tion. They began to cut down the large bushes and other things which would favor an approach to Fort de Chartres. About II o'clock at night there arrived from the Cahoskias two Indians and a Frenchman, who came by land. They told us that two Indians from their village, who were descend- ing with M. St. Ange, the younger,^ in the canoe which had been attacked, had returned to their village about an hour before sunset the day of the fight, one of them wounded In the calf of the leg by a gun shot and that these men had said that M. St. Ange and Ponpon were dead. June 2. About 9 o'clock in the morning Sr. de St. Ange, the younger, whom the Indians believed to be dead, along with Ponpon, arrived here. He had two slight wounds. This is the account of the affair as he gave it to us : The last of May he had set out from the Cahoskias accompanied by the soldier, Ponpon and two Indians from this village. After he had drifted about a league above the Petite Riviere de Mlaramek, they had found themselves attacked by two ^ Francois le Mercier. ^ Louis St. Ange de Bellerive. 78 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE canoes, one manned with twelve men and the other with three, whom they recognized as Renards. These two canoes, giving them the chase and firing all the time, had forced them to attempt the crossing. The man Ponpon had been killed as soon as he had fired his first shot. Fortunately for them they noticed that the large canoe was completely disabled, there appearing in it no more than five men. Hav- ing crossed back to the other side of the Riviere de Maramek, a little above, the two Ilinnois Indians becoming angry, or growing tired of fighting, told him to put to shore so that they could fight to greater advantage. This St. Ange having done, the Indians no sooner saw themselves approaching the land than, without waiting for the pirogue to reach the shore, they leaped into the water and fled. M. St. Ange saw that the two Ilinnois Indians were fleeing. Seeing that the two hostile canoes were about to land, he adopted a plan of action and likewise disembarked and concealed himself fifteen paces from the Pirogue behind a large tree, when seven or eight hostile Indians throwing themselves upon the pi- rogue scalped Ponpon, and returned precipitately to their canoes, giving vent to frightful yells. The Sr. de St. Ange about midnight crawled to the edge of the water to see if the pirogue was still there, but he^could not find it. The first of June he had got down to the entrance of the Miaramek where he had made a raft (cajeu) for the pur- pose of drifting down, and arrived here, as I have already said. June 3. There arrived here from the Cahokias two Indians, who brought us some letters from M. St. Ange, the elder, who is in command there, in which he tells us of the scarcity of provisions among them, and they beseech M. de Boisbriant to send them some, together with some reinforce- ments. I resolved to go there and in fact my departure was set for the next day. June 4 — 5 leagues. We departed about 7 o'clock in the morning, after having heard mass. Our boat was manned with a sergeant and sixteen soldiers. I was accompanied by M. St. Thereze Ensign de Dutisnet my secretary, and Sr. de St. Ange, the younger, who had just been attacked. 79 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES The weather was fine. In spite of the strong currents we came to the upper end of the Isles de Perdues, where we spent the night. We estimated that we had gone five leagues. June 4 ^ — 7 leagues. About 4 o'clock in the morning we embarked and encountered strong currents. Having arrived at the island which is the nearest to the entrance of the Miaramek, we landed and found a man dead from a gun shot. His Manitou ^ was near him (this is a kind of bird of prey) and a piece of the skin of a little dog, which was also near him. A little further we found the tracks of another Indian, who appeared to be wounded above the left breast. We did not consider it wise to go to look for him. Our purpose was to go to the aid of the Cahokias, whom we believed to be at that very time in close battle with the enemy. This is why we continued our journey. We came to the mouth of the Petite Riviere de Miaramek which in the Ilinnois language means brill, a kind of fish, which is very good. We had dinner there, and, having embarked, we continued our journey. A league higher up, on the same side, that is to say on the left as you ascend, Sr. de St. Ange showed us the place where he had landed and where the Indians had scalped Ponpon. From this place we continued our journey and put in for night three leagues from the Cahokias. We estimated that we had gone seven leagues. June 6. At day-break we embarked and came to get breakfast at the old village of the Cahokias, which is on the left as you ascend, a league and a half distant from the Caho- kias. In this place we perceived a large pirogue, of French make, which was crossing over from the village of the Caho- kias. We decided that they were some traders who were going with the Mysouri Indians to their home both to trade in horses and to buy skins. We then continued our journey and arrived about 10 o'clock in the morning at the post where Sr. de St. Ange is in command, with six soldiers. This is a wretched fort of piles where Sr. Mercier, priest of the 1 June 5- . . . 2 This was his spirit. (A note in the margin of the manuscript.) 80 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE Foreign Missions has a house and a church. An eighth of a league higher up is the village of the Cahokias. We had no sooner arrived than they told us that the Mysouri Indians in coming up the river from Fort de Char- tres to this place had found, on the right side opposite the Riviere de Miaramek, a Renard Indian, recently killed, whose head they had carried off and given to the Cahokias. The same day I assembled the Indian chiefs of the Cahokias. They came accompanied by forty of their warriors, who, after they had told me that they were very glad to see me among them, sat down on the ground in a semi-circle and I addressed them as follows, M. Thaumeur, a missionary priest, being the interpreter. "That I had come with my warriors both to aid them and to bring them provisions. That I thought that all the re- ports which they had sent to Fort de Chartres were false ; that they should send out parties to discover with certainty whether the enemy were coming, and, in case they should have sure news of it, that they, together with their wives and children, should retire to the fort of the French, who would not fail to defend themselves vigorously ; that I ex- horted them to imitate the French and to defend themselves strongly against the common enemy ; that for this purpose I was going to give them a French flag ; that they ought, as soon as they were attacked, to send their best runners to Fort de Chartres and that their father, De Boisbriant, would not fail to come with all the French warriors to aid them." They answered me with a shout of joy and after they had given me their thanks, I dismissed them. The Cahokias are in 38^° of latitude, in a plain which is perhaps a league in width and two in length. This plain is bounded on the west by an island, which is a league in length and a half league in width ; on the south and north by low woods ; inland on the east there is a large marsh abounding in game and in fish. The Riviere des Ilinnois which empties into theMississipy eleven leagues from the fort of the Cahokias, on the right side as you ascend, flows from the northeast to the southwest. 8i TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES The Riviere des Mysourys, which empties also into the Mississipy six leagues above the Cahokias, on the left side as you ascend, comes from the northwest. In front of the Indian village of the Cahokias flows a little river, which separates the prairie from the island. It flows from the northeast. June 7. About 7 o'clock in the morning we set out from the Cahokias with two score Indians, both men and women, who were going to see their relatives at the Cascakias. About three leagues from Fort de Chartres we met four Indian pirogues which were ascending the river. We identified them. They were Cascaskias who were recon- noitering (so they told us) to see if they could find any hostile trails. We arrived the same day about three o'clock in the afternoon at Fort de Chartres. June 8. Sr. Renaut came to the Fort de Chartres to tell us that he had made several assays, which he showed us, and in which he had not found any traces of silver. He still has some to make, doubtless during the next few days. June 9. Our boat set out from here to go to the Cascakias to load with maize for the subsistence of the troops. June 12. One of the sailors from our boat arrived here, who informed us that in returning to this place the boat had sunk and that they were working to repair it. June 15. Our boat arrived here with a very light load and leaking above the second streak. June 17. We set out from Fort de Chartres for the Cas- cakias and arrived there the same day. June 18. We careened our boat to give it a coat of tallow. We were informed the same day that the Cahokias had been besieged and that M. Bolsbrlant had sent three Frenchmen, the best runners, with ten Mekchlquamlas Indians. June 20. Towards evening the French and the Indians, of whom I have just spoken, arrived at Fort de Chartres, with a party of Cahokias, who brought with them two prisoners. They gave one to the Mekchlquamlas and the other to AI. Bolsbrlant to replace Ponpon, and a third, which they had burned, to the Cahokias. These three Indians 82 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE were the same ones who had attacked M. St. Ange. They admitted that in this attack they had had four men killed and three wounded. June 22. The prisoner who was given to the Mekchi- quamias was burned for four hours at the end of which a Frenchman killed him with a gun shot. The one who had been given to the soldiers has had his head broken. June 22. Our boat was loaded today, and we are getting ready to leave tomorrow. June 27. (Sunday) We set out from the village of the Cascakias in company with another boat laden with maize for the concession of M. Law, which is at the Arkansas. We had ten men in our boat. The same day we came to spend the night at Cap a I'Ail [or Cape Garlic] where we killed a young roe. June 28. At day-break we embarked and a little below Cape St. Anthoine we found swimming across a young roe. We took it on board and in spite of a violent head-wind, we reached the Isles a la Course, where we passed the night. At 9 o'clock in the evening our dogs, having scented either men or animals, barked all night long, and we kept our- selves under arms. June 29. An hour before day-break, worn out from not having slept the previous night, we embarked and continued our journey. There was a strong wind and much rain, which lasted till noon, when, having perceived a buffalo we put to shore and killed it. The same day we came to pass the night at Wabache. June 30. We departed about 5 o'clock in the morning. The weather was fair and very hot. About breakfast time we saw a buffalo crossing. We overtook it in the middle of the river and hitched our boat to it for more than a quarter of a league, after which we killed it. We took only the tongue. About noon we landed to go after a herd of more than a hundred buffaloes, both bulls and cows, of which we killed five and wounded more than twenty. We cut out only the tongues. Continued our journey and camped at the usual hour. 83 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES July, 1723 July I. About 4 o'clock in the morning we embarked and had the pleasure of seeing both sides of the river lined with bulls and cows. About noon we landed on a sand bar to amuse ourselves with hunting. We brought down eight animals. We contented ourselves with cutting out their tongues. Continued our journey and camped at the usual hour. July 2. At day-break our men took up the oars and we continued our journey. The weather was very hot. About noon we landed opposite a little prairie and went after a herd of nine [buffaloes], all of which we killed. Camped for the night in this place so as to dry the best of these animals. July 3. About 6 o'clock in the morning we embarked and let ourselves drift so as to rest our men who had spent the night smoking their meat. In the evening, a little before camping, we killed four buffaloes, of which we took only the tongues. July 4. At day-break we embarked and continued our journey. The weather was fine. The heat continued. About noon, wind being contrary, we perceived four boats and two pirogues full of Canadians. We fired some shots and went on shore to wait for them. It was M. Bourmont, who, with a company of fifty men, of whom M. Pradel was captain, was going up the river to the Mysouris. The same day at 4 o'clock in the afternoon I reviewed this company. We camped five leagues from the Ecores a Prud'homme. We learned from the convoy of the arrival of the Commis- sioners appointed by the King for the administration of the affairs of the colony at New Orleans. July 5. We took leave of MM. Bourmont and Pradel and [the] others, and left them, we to descend the river and they to ascend. This convoy seems to me very badly conducted and has many sick. The great heat contributes largely to this. Furthermore, they hardly are given time to eat maize cooked in water, although they are surrounded by Buffalo. They tell me by way of excuse that they have not found any, 84 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE but I am much more inclined to think that it is a case of laziness, for the most worthless Frenchman can kill a buffalo in this region. They told us that they had degraded one of their sergeants two leagues below for mutiny. We found him two leagues below resolved to die in the woods rather than to rejoin them [the convoy]. July 6. Early in the morning our men having taken up their oars, we continued our journey and came to spend the night at the Riviere a Margot, where we killed four buffaloes, of which we took only the tongues. July 7. At day-break we embarked and continued our journey. About 10 o'clock in the morning, upon our left as we were drifting very close to shore, we perceived on the bank of the river a man who called to us in the language of the Mobile to come to him. We asked him, at the same time taking up our guns, if he was a Chicachat.^ Our arms frightened him. He got behind a large tree and replied that he was a Chicachat. The same instant, seeing others appearing, he saluted them with eight gun shots which they returned with twelve shots, two of which hit the stern of our boat. Our boat kept on its way and we did not think it wise to shoot at them, as they were out of range, nor were we in a position to go to attack them on shore. The other boat was on the other side of the river and joined us immediately. July 8. Early in the morning we embarked and con- tinued our journey. The great heat continued to incon- venience us. Killed this morning a buffalo. About 5 o'clock in the evening we came upon a pirogue manned with six men, in which was the man Langevin who has been cap- tured the year before by the Chicachats. Although we told him about the attack which we had had yesterday, he still resolved to continue his journey and go up the Wabache to salt some meat. He informed us that a party of Arkansas had fallen upon some French in the Riviere des Watchitas ; that there had arrived at the Yazous two score Chicachats and two chiefs, called the Courceracs, to ask for peace ; that ^ Chickasaw. 8s TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES the Natchez Indians were still continuing to kill the cattle belonging to the French, and that he even believed that these Indians intended to besiege the fort. July 9. We embarked early in the morning, after having given to these Frenchmen a part of the meat which we had. About 9 o'clock in the morning we came upon three pirogues full of Arkansas Indians, who were going up the Petite Riviere St. Francois to hunt. About three o'clock in the afternoon we arrived at the village of the Arkansas. We found there three huts, and we were told that the others were coming back to form a village after the harvests were over. July 10. At day-break we embarked and arrived about breakfast time at the first fork of the Riviere de Sotehouy, where we had a squall, but it did not last long. We sent a Frenchman to the post so that men might be despatched to help in taking the boat back. July II. Six soldiers from the garrison of Sotehouy ar- rived, and we embarked in the boat loaded with wheat and left the other one behind with four of our men. We pro- ceeded to Sotehouy where the captain delivered the wheat to Sr. Dufresne. We returned by land to the post of Sotehouy where we spent the night. July 12. I reviewed the troops of this post and took a census, as many inhabitants had established themselves there since my last review. July 13. In the morning we departed and came to join our boat in which we embarked and rejoined the boat which we had left at the first fork. We entered the Mississipy and camped at the usual hour. July 14. Early in the morning we embarked and con- tinued our journey. The heat was very great. We had no longer any hope of killing any buffaloes. Camped at the usual hour near Pointe Coupee. July 15. We departed about sunrise. The weather was fair and the sun's rays terrible. Two of our sailors were sick — one with the fever and the other with the scurvy. July 16. At day-break we embarked. No meat to give 86 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE them [the men], a deer which was crossing most opportunely was killed. Camped at the usual hour. July 17. The heat was intense the whole of last night, and the maraingouins, a kind of fly, which we call in France gnats, annoyed us so much that it was impossible to rest. This caused us to embark an hour before day. We arrived at noon at the entrance of the Yazous, where we left one boat, and manned another with ten oarsmen, and we arrived at the Yazous about 4 o'clock in the afternoon. July 18. Early in the morning I made my review, as inspector, of the Fort Saint Pierre des Yazous, and we sent for the other boat so as to deliver to M. Livilliers the corn belonging to the company. July 19. This morning the boat arrived here and the corn was delivered to Sr. Livilliers, who is without means of sub- sisting his garrison. It was from M. Petit Livilliers that [we learned] that M. Degrave had gone to New Orleans without orders. That since the departure of M. Degrave he had en- gaged the Aufaugoulas, Couroye and Yazous to remain there. They had intended to go and settle on the Riviere des Wachi- tas. That he had engaged the Tapoucha Indians to come and settle near the fort. This is a small Indian nation, which lived forty leagues up this river. They were going to come in the autumn. That he had sent to New Orleans two Chica- chat chiefs and two other Indians. They had come to ask for peace, which he could not grant. He sent them to M. Bienville. They brought back with them a man called Parisien whom they captured at the same time they did Langevin. July 20. About 6 o'clock in the evening we departed from Fort Saint Pierre des Yazous and reached the entrance of the river, where the other boat awaited us. We passed the night there. July 21. At day-break we embarked and continued our journey. About an hour before sunset we landed in order to put on the kettle, having resolved to drift all that night. July 22. We drifted all last night, not without striking against some trees where the current carried us and from 87 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES which we had great difficulty in extricating ourselves. We passed, however, the Grand GouflFre. We continued our journey and arrived at the Natchez about two hours before sunset, where we found two boats. One had brought Srs. Desliette and Chepar, the former commandant of the fort of the Natchez, and the latter the captain of a company, and a detachment to reinforce this post. The other boat was going to the Yazous to bring some relief to this post. July 23. In the morning I made my review, as inspector, of the post at Natchez. The same day I went to the settle- ment of the Sr. dumanoir Feaucon, where I reviewed a de- tachment of fifteen men, commanded by Sr. de Noyant, an ensign. This detachment comes from New Orleans for the purpose of preventing the Natchez Indians from troubling it [the settlement]. They [the Indians] continue to be hostile. In the evening we came back to the fort of the Natchez. July 24. I went to the settlement of M. le Blanc where I did not tarry, as I had no business to attend to. About noon we embarked, having increased our company by the addition of the boat which had brought MM. Desliet and Chepar. The weather was fine. All night we drifted our three boats tied together. July 25. About 8 o'clock in the morning we arrived at the first village of the Thonniquas, where we landed to put on the kettle. They told us that they had killed two Natchez Indians and burned one. These three Indians were drifting in a pirogue. They did not know where they were going. These Indians are building a fort so as to provide them- selves with a defense in case the Natchez should come to attack them. We remained there only long enough to cook our breakfast, after which we embarked and continued our journey. About sunset we came upon two pirogues. One was going to the Natchitoches and the other to the Thonniquas. They told us that sickness was very prevalent at New Orleans. July 26. We drifted all the past night and came about noon to the Petite Pointe Coupee where there is a concession belonging to MM. Collys. We got dinner there, after which 88 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE we embarked and continued our journey. We arrived at Dirombourg about 8 o'clock in the evening, and slept there. July 27. It rained all last night, and, the rain continuing, we were not able to set out until about 11 o'clock. We ar- rived about sunset at the Bayagoulas. July 28. In the morning, in spite of the heavy rain, we started out, and continued our journey. We drifted all night. July 29. We arrived about 5 o'clock in the evening at Cannes Bruslees, where we slept. July 30. Early in the morning we reached New Orleans, where we arrived about noon. One cannot enter any house here without finding sick people. The ship Galatee has gone down a little below New Orleans in order to take on ballast. There is sickness on board. They say it is the purple fever. July 31. We learned that during our voyage from the Illinois a band of more than fifty men had carried off two passenger-boats. Aug. I. I went to pay my respects to the Commissioners, who were all sick. Aug. 2. We were informed that the Natchitoches Indians had intended to fall upon the garrison of the Natchitoches because M. St. Denys,^ who is the commandant there, had broken the head of an Indian of this nation because he had killed about a year ago a man called Perrier. I have spoken fully of the death of this man in my journals, and in the memoirs which I drew up at the time of my trip to the Natchitoches. Aug. 3. Sickness continues to carry off many people. They bury eight or nine persons every day. Aug. 4. Everybody complains here of famine. Everyone seems to be discontented with the new administration. Aug. 7. M. de Sauboye, one of the commissioners ap- pointed by the King to administrate the affairs of the colony, died this morning and was buried about 5 o'clock in the after- noon with all of the ceremony due his worth and integrity. ' Juchereau de St. Denis. 89 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Aug. 13. M. Peauger, the engineer who had been for many months superintending the work at the establishment of the post of BaUse, which is at the mouth of the Mississipy, arrived here about noon with a Spaniard who brought with him six thousand piasters to spend in merchandize. He left at Balise a bilander manned with fourteen men in which he had come, and he comes from Vera Cruz. Aug. 18. The two Chicachat chiefs have left here to return to their homes by way of the Yazous. M. Terrlsse, an officer, with a detachment, accompanied them as far as that post. Aug. 24. There arrived here a band of Chectas, who were deputized by all of that nation to come and ask arms, powder and shot, from M. De Bienville so as to go to war against the Chicachats. Sept. 2. M. De Bienville went today to dine on board the Galathee, where he was received with a salute of nine guns. Sept. 3. We have been informed by the Thonniquas that M. St. Denys, commandant at the Natchitoches, had de- scended the river with all the Indians of this nation, and that he was persuading the Thonniquas to join him, to make an attack upon the Natchez. Sept. 4. We learned from a boat which arrived from Natchez that they were always on the alert and were con- stantly molested by the Indians of that nation, who had killed a horse, a cow and a pig belonging to the concession of St. Catherine, (and that within five or six days) and that all these things were most prejudicial to the inhabitants, who could neither gather their crops nor work, and that they were waiting for M. De Bienville or his orders to attack that nation. M. Bienville is making no preparations to go there. We do not know why. Sept. 5. About 4 o'clock in the afternoon Sr. Allaire, an Englishman or an Irishman, was arrested and put on board the ship Galathee, to be taken to France. They say that it was because he had written in favor of the colonists and against the government. Others say that he was arrested as a spy. He had carried on a correspondence with the English and 90 JOURNAL OF DIRON D'ARTAGUIETTE the Spanish so as to keep them informed of everything which was taking place in the colony. These papers have been immediately seized by the council here. This Allaire was formerly storekeeper in the concession of Mgr. Le Blanc, which he had left, and he was working at the time of his arrest for Sr. Duval, auditor of accounts. The people say that it was because Duval was not correct in his ac- counts and that the authorities wished to make Allaire tell what he knew about them. Sept. 6. A man called Berard, living at New Orleans, was today condemned by M. De la Chaise, commissioner on the part of His Majesty for the execution of his orders in Louisi- ana, to pay a fine of 500 livres, to be applied to building a hospital for curing venereal diseases. It is for having bought in speculation, a note of 100 ecus for 13 piasters, and in addition the said Berard has been condemned to give to the bearer of the note of 100 ecus 27 piasters as full payment for the note. The judgment was very just as this Berard had been carrying on this sort of business for more than three years. Sept. 7. A boat which was descending the river from the Natchez arrived here, from which we learned that the Indians of this nation were continuing to kill the cattle at the con- cession of MM. Colys ; that they did not molest in any way the French who are there ; that two hundred of their men had attacked the Thonniquas, whom they had beaten, and wounded the great chief In the arm, and that the second chief of this nation had died of disease. Sept. 8. M. De la Chaise went today to the home of Sr. Marlot, former storekeeper, I mean chief clerk at New Orleans, where he found much merchandize from the stores. They examined him the same day to find out where these goods came from. They went also to the house of the maid servant of this Marlot, where they found much fine mer- chandize, which they seized. She will be made to tell where she got these goods and whence came this fortune. Sept. 9. A pirogue full of Frenchmen who were coming down from the Illnnols, has arrived here. They informed us G 91 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES that the Renard Indians had killed, opposite Fort de Chartres, two men named Sueur and Lafond, Canadians, who were hunting deer. These same Frenchmen were attacked on their way down, just as they were approaching the Ecore a Prud'homme, by a party of Chicachats. They have confirmed the entry of the 7th of the present month, in which I spoke of the Natchez. They spent one night with two hundred Natchez men, who were going to attack the Thonniquas, who have not done them any harm. Sept. 10. We are preparing to embark on the ship Galathee and to leave tomorrow, the 4th ^ of the present month. iiith (?). 93 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL TO THE CHEROKEES, 1725 INTRODUCTION The Cherokee Indians occupied a prominent place in the early history of South Carolina. At the time of Colonel Chicken's visit they numbered upwards of 10,000, of whom not less than 3800 were among the best of Indian warriors. They were distributed among three settlements : the Lower Settlement, in what is now western South Carolina and northeastern Georgia ; the Middle Settlement, in western North Carolina and northern Georgia ; and the Upper Settle- ment, in western Tennessee and northern Alabama. Inter- course between the Cherokees and the government of South Carolina was begun in 1693 when twenty Cherokee chiefs visited Charleston to ask assistance against the Catawbas and the Congarees. A profitable trade with the Cherokees was begun about the same time. At first this was only in a private way, but in 1707 all Indian trade of the colony passed under government regulation, and in 1716, when for a short time it was made a public monopoly. Fort Moore, on the east bank of the Savannah about six miles below the present site of Augusta, Georgia, was erected for its protection. By a treaty with the Cherokees which was made that year it was agreed that both parties should carry their goods for trade to Fort Moore, the immediate consequence of which was that the Government established a pack-horse route from Charleston to that place and that the Cherokees cut a trail from their country thither along the east bank of the Savannah, a trail which was subsequently widened for the pack-horse train. Fort Congarees, on the Congaree River, a little below the present site of Columbia, was erected in 1718, and a shorter pack-horse route from Charleston to the Cherokee country was established. It passed through Dorchester, approached the Congaree opposite the mouth of 95 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES the Wateree, crossed the Little Saluda about five miles from its mouth, passed the site of Fort Ninety-Six, and from thence led direct to Keowee, the principal town of the Lower Chero- kees. It will be seen that Colonel Chicken went hy the shorter route and returned hy the longer one. Colonel Chicken became prominent in Indian affairs in 171 5, when, at the crisis of the war with the Yamasees, he, at the head of the Goose Creek militia, inflicted on those Indians a decisive defeat at "The Ponds." He was a mem- ber of the Board of Indian Commissioners in 1721-1723 and was sole Indian Commissioner in 1724-173 1. The primary object of the mission of which he gives an account in his Journal, and on which he was sent by President Middleton, was to counteract the influence of French emissaries from Louisiana who had been among them, inciting them to war against the Creeks and seeking to win them from the English interest. A manuscript copy of this Journal is in the Public Record Office, London; C. O. 5, 12, ff. 14-34, ^^^ the Library of Congress has a transcript which was made from this. 96 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL TO THE CHEROKEES, 1725 Journal of the Comissr ^ for Indian Affairs on his Journey to the Cherokees and his proceedings there Thursday the 17th day of June 1725. I took my departure from my house at Goose Creek ^ about 7 of the Clock this Morning, and dined at the Honble Thomas Broughtons ^ and abt five of the Clock in the Even- ing I came to Mr. Jones's being about Twenty Six Miles from my house, where I staid til Monday the 21 Instant in Expectation of Mr. Eleazer Wigan's attending me at Mr. Peter St. Julien's ^ which was the place I Ordered the Chero- kee Indians (then down) to go to from my house. And the said Wigan not coming according to my Expectation, I set away from Mr. Jones's the i8th Instant and abt five of the Clock in the Evening I came to John Hearn's Plantation where I Encamped for that Night. Tuesday the 22d day of June 1725. 1 sett away from my Camp abt Eight of the Clock in the Morning and abt half past four in the afternoon I came to ^ Commissioner. 2 Goose Creek was the name of a settlement which was estab- lished by the Huguenots in 1686 on Goose Creek, a branch of the Cooper River. 3 Thomas Broughton was Speaker of the Assembly in 1725. * Peter St. Julien's residence was near Dorchester. It was the first general stopping place on the trail northwest from Charles- ton and was at the point of divergence of the Creek trail from that leading through the valley of the Congaree and Saluda to the Cherokee country. 97 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Capt, Charles Russells ^ who in a Short time after my stay at his house made Information to me as ifollows, That David Doway Indian Trader when he was Last at his house, said that he would take his Oath that John Sharp some time before he came from the Cherokees went to one of the Towns in that Nation and took away what Skines he could get from the People of the Town and afterwards Obliged them to take what goods he thought fitt for the same and that One James Hitchins (the said Sharps hireling) was with him at the time of his so doing And on Considering the above Information I thought proper to send the following Letter to Majr Wm. Blakewey (who by Virtue of a Resolu- tion of the General Assembly I Empowred to grant Lycences to the Traders dureing my Absence. Sir — Sometime after my Arrival here Capt. Russell made Information to me that he heard David Doway Indian Trader (now in Town) say that he would take his Oath that John Sharp Indian Trader (now in Town also) some time before the said Sharp came from the Cherokees went to one of the Towns in the said Nation, the Name of which he could not then call to mind, and took away what Skins he could get from the people of the Town and afterwards Obliged them to take what goods he thought fitt to give them for the same, and that one Ja. Hitchins, his hireling (who is now in Town) was with him at the time of his doing the same. This Information I thought would be proper to Acquaint you off therefore would not have you grant Sharp a Lycence til such time you hear further from me in the Cherokees where I shall take particular care to informe myself of the truth of this Affair and then Shall as soon as possible give you my Opinion thereon that you may Govern your self thereby ; in the mean time I remain Sir Your Most humble Servant. ^ Captain Charles Russell was the first commander of Fort Congaree, which was built in 1718 a little below the present site of Columbia for the protection of the Cherokee trade. 98 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL Wednesday the 23d and Thursday the 24th day of June 1725. Stayed at Capt. Russells In Expectation of Mr. Eleazer Wigan's coming, And he coming according to Expectation We set away from Capt. Russells on Friday morning being the Twenty ffifth Instant in Compa ^ with the sd Wigan and John M ly Indian Trader and abt half past twelve of Clock at Noon We Crossed Beever Creek where We Stayed til three of the Clock in the afternoon and then set away and came as far as Sandy run being Six Miles further and making up our day's Journey in all Twenty ffour Miles here We Encamped for this Night having great Showers of Rain til next Morning. Saturday the 26th day of June 1725. We set away from Sandy run and about Twelve a Clock at Noon We Crossed the Congree Creek and were Obliged to Encamp for this Night (the Pack horsses being very much gauled) abt four Miles from the sd Creek which made Our day's Journey Sixteen Miles. Sunday the 2ph June 1725. Set away from Our last Encampmt abt Seven of the Clock in the Morning and abt two of the Clock in the Afternoon We came to Beaver Dam and the Packhorses not coming up with us for some Considerable time and being late in the day We Encamped for this Night having Travilled this day 24 M. Munday the 28th day of June 172^. We set away from Beever Dam about Six of the Clock in the Morning and about twelve Clock at Noon We Crossed Saludee river ^ where We Stayed for Our Packhorses, which ^ Company. 2 What is now the Saluda River was formerly known as the Congaree and what is now the Little Saluda was in Colonel Chick- en's time known as theSaluda. 99 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES were behind us, and they coming about two hours after us We found that Sevl of them were tired and it being late in the day We Encamped here for this Night and the day following in Order to rest our horses having travilled abt 15 M. Wednesday the 30th day of June 1725. Set away from Saludy river abt 10 of the Clock in the Morning and about Twelve Clock at Noon We came by Saludee old Town,^ and Travilled as far as a place called half way Swamp being Eight Miles further from the said Town and making up Our days Journey Twenty ffour Miles. Thursday the ist day of July 1725. Set away from half way Swamp abt Nine of the Clock in the Morning leaving John Neely and the Packhorses behind us and abt Six of Clock at Night We came to a Fort built at a place called Coronaclo Sanelo ^ where We lay all Night having Travilled this day about Twenty Seven Miles. Friday the 2d day of July 1725. The Weather proving very Rainy and having lost one of Our horses we were forced to Stay at Our Camp for this day, About 2 of the Clock in the afternoon two Indians came to the Fort from their hunting and Stayed wth us all Night designing to Accompany us to Keewohee and after a Short Stay wth us at the Fort, they went out to look for one of Our horses wch was lost and on their return they brought in a Deer which they Shott in looking for the horse. 1 Saluda Old Town was a few miles west of the mouth of Little Saluda River. 2 The trail passed the site of the present town of Ninety-Six (96 rriiles on the trail from the Lower Cherokee town of Keowee) at which there was at a very early day a private fort and trading house known as Gowdy's Fort. 100 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL Saturday the jd day of July 1725. Set away from Coronaclo Sanelo about Eight of the Clock in the Morning and about five of the Clock in the Evening We came to a Spring Eight Miles from the dividing Paths where we Encamped for this Night having Travilled in the rain all day 33 Mill's.^ Sunday the 4th day of July 1725. Set away from Our Camp about Six of the Clock in the Morning and about four of the Clock in the afternoon We came to a Creek about Twenty Miles on this side Keewohee where I was Obliged to leave my Secry. and Son in Order to send them ffresh horses from Keewohee and Encamped myself with Mr. Wigan within Six Miles of Keewohee having Travilled this day 38 M. Munday the ^th day of July 172^. Set away from my Camp about five of the Clock this Morning and about Seven Clock I Arrived at Keewohee ^ and soon after I sent away Two ffresh Horses for my Secry. and Son. At my Arrival here King Crow and the head men were out of Town at their Plantations and a Messinger being sent to inform them of my Arrival, they Imediatly repaired to Town and soon after, they after their Ceremonial way placed me in a Great Chair in the most Publick Place in the Town and set down by me themselv's faning me with Eagles Feathers and the Ceremony being over, the King made the following Speech to me : That they long Expected a beloved Man of the English among them and that now they had sent me and that they were as glad to see me as if I had come from above. ^ Miles. 2 Keowee, the principal town of the Lower Cherokees ; it was situated on the Keowee River in what is now Oconee County, South Carolina, about fifteen miles northeast of Walhalla. Fort Prince George was erected here in 1753. lOI TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES I Answered them, that I was as glad to see them, and that I was come with a great talk from all the beloved men of the English and that I intended to give it to them as soon as they had gott together the head Men of as many of their Towns as they could and as soon as my Pack hors's Arrived. They returned me thanks with a great deal of Joy and fired a Volley over my head and then King Crow taking me under the Arm lead me into Joseph Coopers house with a great deal of Ceremony, the head men at the same time following us and in a little time after my being in the house they presented me with their pipes to Smoak out of (it being their Custom). Tuesday the 6th day of July 1725. The King having given Orders to his Towns people to provide Provvissions for us, they accordingly this day pre- sented me with some Fowles and Venison. Wednesday the 7th day of July 1725. This day Ariived'here from the Settlemt Alexr. McCormick Indian Trader who informed me that he had left his Pack horses at the Congree ^ Creek and that he left mine at Wilsons Creek. Thursday the 8th day of July 1725. Sent the following Order to Saml. Brown Indian Trader. To Mr. Samuel Brown Indian Trader — You are hereby Ordered on receipt hereof to send down to Keewohee, Jno. Hewet, who I have Information is in your Employ and hath been in the Indian Country for a Consider- able time without my leave or Lycence and Contrary to a Law in that Case made and provided. Hereof fail not as you will Answer the Contrary. Given under my hand at Keewohee this 8th day of July Anno Dom. 1725. ^ Congaree. 102 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL The following Accot was brought this day into Town by a Chickesaw fellow who made his Escape from his Enemies : That the ffrench Indians ^ had killed on the other side the Hills Six Chickesaw^ Men four Women, Seven boys and Girls and two Cherookee Women. Friday the gth and Saturday the loth of July 1725. Nothing happened this two days worth my Observation. Sunday the nth day of July 1725. 1 gave Orders to all the Traders in the Town to Attend me this Morning in Order to have the Service of the day read to them, and as a Duty Incumbent on me, I desired them to follow so good an Example beleiving they might be Negligent therein. Monday the 12th day of July 1725. Arrived here from the Catabaws William Ballow and one John Ellis Indian Traders and having Demanded their Invoice of goods, foundthatit Amounted to 1341 wt of leather at Indian Price and that they Traded for Majr Bowling in Virginia. Tuesday the 13th day of July 1725. Wednesday the 14 day of July 172^. Nothing Occurred these two days for my Observation. Thursday the 15 day of July 1725. Arrived here from Tuccaseegee ^ Samuel Brown and John Hewet who I sent for by an Order of the 8th Instant. And ^ The Choctaws, in what is now Mississippi and western Alabama, were the principal tribe of Southern Indians that were at this time in the French interest. 2 The Chickasaw Indians were the chief occupants of the country between the Cherokees and the Mississippi River. They main- tained friendly relations with the English but were habitually at war with some of their neighboring Indian tribes. ' There was a Cherokee town of Tuckaseegee at the forks of the Tuckaseegee River in North Carolina. 103 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES having Examined the said Hewet in relation to his being among the Indians without my leave, I found that he was Employed by Mr. Marr and that after he had left the said Marrs Employ that James Millikin Indian Trader Employed him and gave him Orders to Trade by two Letters from the said Millikin which the said Hewet produced to me and having Considered the aforesd Information, 1 gave Orders to the said Hewet to Stay at Keewohee til the said Milikin Arrived here from the Catawbaws at which time I informed him I should give him further Orders. Friday the i6th day of July 1725. This day came in here twelve head men of Tugelo Town.^ Came in from the Settlement David Doway and Andrew White Indian Traders. Richard Hasford gave to me the following Information of which he took his Oath. That in or about the Month of November Annoq Dom. 1724 When the said Hatton went to Noyouwee ^ that he the said Hatton told an Indian Woman in the same Town Named Peggy to tell the Indians that he had gott a paper from the EngHsh Governor that promised them men, and that if they asked for any that they must demand three hundred and that the said Hatton told them when they had pitched upon two men to go down to the English that they must give them in Charge to talk Strong to them and not to be affraid. Signed Richd. Hasford. Arrived here from the Settlement Laufflin McBain Indian Trader. The head men of Twenty one Towns being mett here together I had the Talk Interpretted to them. ^ Tugaloo, a Cherokee town at the confluence of Tugaloo River and Toccoa Creek in Habersham County, Georgia. 2 Noyouwee, or Noyoee, was a Cherokee town at the head of Tugaloo River on the west border of Oconee County, South Carolina. 104 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL At a Meeting of the head men of Twenty one Towns whereof Crow is King Jo : Cooper and Eleazer Wigan Interpreters I informed them that I was come a great way with a great talk from the English, that I beleived they have had Stories told them and I desired to know if they did not all know me. A. They all knew me very well. I informed them that I should have been glad to have had the headmen of all their Towns here, but as they were not come, I informed them that I was glad to see so many of them together as there was. I likewise informed them that I should deliver the talk to them from all the beloved Men of the English and that as there was the head Men of Twenty one Towns present I hoped and Expected they would mind what I said to them. A. It's very well and that they'll always harken good to the English talk. The whole talk being Interpreted to them They informed me that they did send down a talk to the English abt White Men and that they Expected them. Q. What reason had you to Expect them or who was it that told You anything abt White Men coming among You? A. That they never heard it from any White Man but that when the King first reed his Comission and talk from the English it was therein say'd that the English would Consider of Assisting them agt their Enemies in Case they killed their Burtheners or other people belonging to them. They informed me that now I had given the talk to them and that they would give me a General Answer at the Meet- ing of the head Men of the whole Nation. I informed them it was very well and that I desired they would Consider well of the talk before the General Meeting and that they would make it known to all their people. Which they Promissed to do And then they Severally took me by the hand and took their leavs of me. 105 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Saturday the iph day of July 1725. Sent the following Letter to his Honour the President ^ : May it please your Honour — This Opportunity happening by two Burtheners who are going to Mr. Hasford's Cowpen I thought it would be proper to Acquaint your Honour of my Arrival here on Monday the fhfth Instant where I have been Obliged to stay for this Twelve day's for the head men's meeting together, the reason of their not meeting sooner was because Provission is Scarce here, and on Friday the i6th July I had the talk with the head men of Twenty One Towns which has mett with the Genl Satisfaction of them all and I hope will prove to the Intire Satisfaction of the Government it being my whole Study to bring it about. I intend (God willing) to set away from hence the i8th Instant on my Journey over the Hills where I intend to have the talk with the people of those parts and there is to be a General Meeting of the head Men of the whole Nation in the Middle Settlements to Consult about a General Answer to our talk which I shall take care to send down to your Hour as soon as possible and I hope your Honour will be Speedy to me in your Expresses, Especially in your Answer to me when you have heard from the Creeks, that I may Compleat all Matters Comitted to my Charge. As to what we have heretofore heard from the Traders in Genl in Relation to our sending Men here, I do Assure your Honr is groundless and that having talked to the Indians about it I find by them that they never thought of any such thing, but that it has been Infused into their heads by the Traders here and particularly [by] a Man whom We have had too much rejyance on. I hope your Honour will lay before the Assembly a Clause to be Altered in the Indian Trading Law (wch is) that the Traders be confined to Trade in any one or two Towns of their own Choice there being Towns Sufficient for more Traders than hath ever been here yet and not to run from Town to 1 Arthur Middleton was president of the Council and acting governor in 1 725-1 730. 106 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL Town which In my Opinion is a great Detriment to the Trade and will in a little time (if care be not taken) Create great disputes and Quarrells among the Traders which will be III Examples to the Indians and may prove of ill Conce- quence to the Country and it is my Opinion that the Principal is Sufficient to Trade on one Lycence Choosing two Towns to Trade, the Men they bring up with them being in General a loose Vagabond Sort of people and will not Stick out to say or do any thing among the Indians for the Lucre of a few Skines, so that I think the fewer of them their is the better and I am well Assured that it will be better for the Trade in General. If your Honour and Assembly Approves of this and can gett it past before I can depart hence and will send it to me I shall then Ifiiediatly put it in force and I dont doubt but in a little time after that you will see the good Effect of it as well as the Traders Employers, I have nothing further to Advise your Hours of at present but that there hath not been any hostillities Comitted here since the Departure of the Traders and that a few days agoe We had an Accot of the ffrench Indians doing some damage to the Upper People wch I intend to make use of in my discourse to them in hopes that it will keep them at Warr with all Indians in Amity with the French which these Lower people very very much approveoff. I desire your Honour will Render my best Services Accept- able to the Honble Council and Assembly in doing of which you'l Oblige Your Hours Most Obedt Humble Servant. Sunday the i8th day of July 1725. We set away from Keewohee in Company with the Lower King, Eleazer Wigan, and Jos. Cooper about Ten of the Clock in the Morning and about Twelve a Clock at Noon We came to Tamautley ^ a Town Distant from Keewohee about 12 Miles where we lay all Night. ^ Tomautley, Tomantly, or Tomassee was in a northwesterly direction from Keowee and not far from the North Carolina border. H 107 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES About Eight of Clock at Night I went to the Town House and carryed along with me King 'Crow and the Two Lin- guisters And having Stayed there for some time King Crow made a Speech to the people of the Town and Rehearsed to them the Substance of the Talk I had with them and desired that they would not forgett it, that they might have it in mind at the General Meeting and withall telling them to Consider what a good thing it was to be flFriends with the English who they would always Stand by and bid them to remember what good times it was now to what it hath been before the English came among them. The King having done Speaking, the people in the Town house Returned thanks which are Words they use when they like any thing that [is] said to them. Monday the igth day of July 1725. The Weather being very Cloudy and looking very likely to rain We did not set away from thence til Eleven Clock in the Morning and about half past five We came to Tuc- careecho ^ distant from Tamantly about Eighteen Miles where we lay all Night. Tuesday the 20th day of July 1725. We set away from Tuccareecho abt nine of the Clock in the Morning and abt three in the afternoon We came to Old Estotoe ^ in the Middle Settlements being about Sixteen Miles from Tuccareecho where we lay all Night. Wednesday the 21 day of July 172^. Set away from old Estotoe about Eight of the Clock in the Morning and abt four of the Clock in the afternoon we came to Nocochee ^ w[h]ere was mett together the head Men of the ^ Tuccareecho was also in a northwesterly direction from Keowee, but its exact location has not been determined. ^ Old Estatoe on the Tugaloo River at the western extremity of South Carolina. ^ The identity and location of this town has not been determined. 108 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL said Town and also of Six other Towns belonging to the Lower Kings Precincts who were not at Keewohee at the time of my giving the Talk to the head men of Several other Towns, And having given the Talk to them they seemed all very well Satisfyed therewth And then I informed them that I did not Expect an Answer to the talk at that time but hoped they would keep it well in mind that they migt Remember what I said to them at the General meeting of the head men of the whole Nation (of which I would give them Notice). I also informed them that as Crow was their King and made by them and Approved off by the English, that I Expected they would look upon him as such, other- wise they would be no people, and that the head men in all their Towns would take care to keep their Young Men under them and make them obey them in every thing. To the foregoing talk they Answered in One Voice That they would take Notice of what I had say'd to them and that it was good. Thursday the 22d day of July 1725. This day King Crow left us and the rest of the head Men who Accompany'd Us in our path to the last of his Precincts that lies in Our path over the Hills and at their departure I called them together and informed them in the presence of the King that I Expected they with four or five Towns Ad- jacent to Keewohee would build a large house with a Corn house thereto in the said Town in such a place as their King should think fitt, in Order for the head men of his precincts meeting at any time when they had any thing to talk abt and to Entertain them at their coming thither as also to receive the White mens goods when they came there, and that Each Family should bring to the King Yearly for a publick Store a bagg or baskett of Corn to Entertain their head men at their Publick Meetings as well as Strangers. They Answered to the above discourse that they would take care and get it done out of hand. We were Obliged to Stay here this day the Weather prov- ing very Rainy. 109 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Friday the 2sd day of July 1725. Set away from Nocoochee abt 6 of the Clock in the Morn- ing and abt Six at Night we passed by Tamautley in the Upper Settlements and came to Elejoy^ being abt two Miles further where we lay all Night having Traviled this day thirty ffive Miles a road which is almost Impossible to Travile in and were Obliged to walk Several Miles of the way. At my Arrival here was mett together the head men of five Towns in the Upper Settlements who after their Ceremonial way came and Sing'd before me and faned me with their Eagles tailes and seemed very much Joyed at my coming among them. About Eight of the Clock at Night I went to the Town House there being all the head men and Others, And informed them by Linguisrs ^ that I Expected that the head men of every Town in the Upper Settlements would go over the Hills to their King where I should give them the talk and also that there would be a Meeting of the head men of the whole Nation at which I Expected they would be at and that they would remember what I said to them, when I had talked with them over the hills. They in Answer to the above discourse said that they would take Notice of it. Saturday the 24th day of July 1725. This Morning came to me the head men of Elejoy who informed me that they were desirous to hear the talk in their own Town and that they had no Mind to go over the Hills. 1 then Informed them after a Sharp Manner that I would not talk wth them in their own Town, and that as the head Men of the Lower Settlements had waited upon their King, ^ Ellijay. There were several Cherokee towns of this name, but the one here referred to was most likely that in Macon County, North Carolina, near the site of the present town of Franklin. 2 Linguisters or interpreters. no COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL so I Expected they would wait upon their King he being of their own Choosing and Approved of by the English that they might be altogether and then there could be no Excusses from any of them in saying that they had not heard the Talk which was Usual among them, And having done saying any further, I desired that they would give me an Answer to what I had now said to them. And the head Men having Considered among themselv's of what I had said to them made Answer — That they would send two head men and a Councelour out of Each Town and that they would be two Nights after me in my Journey Over the Hills. I inform'd them that it was very well and that I was Glad they had given me so good an Answer. Set away from Elejoy abt nine of the Clock this Morning and abt Ten of the Clock we came by little Teriquo ^ in the Middle Settlements being about Two Miles from Elejoy. We also passed by Conustee. About Twelve at Noon I took our Departure from thence and came about five Miles Short of a place called the Beaver Dam where we lay in the Woods for this Night having Travilled that day 25 Miles. Sunday the 25th day of July 1725. We set away from our Camp about five of the Clock in the Morning and abt three in the afternoon we Arrived at Great Terriquo ^ over the hills where we was mett by two head men of the said Town (the rest being all out a hunting). We Travilled this day about 25 Miles in a very bad road so that we were Obliged to walk for Several Miles over the hills. This Town is very Compact and thick Settled which they are Obliged to, otherwise they would be Cut of by the Enemy who are Continually within a Mile of the Town lurking about the Skirts thereof and very often Cut of their People 1 Little Tellico. 2 Great Tellico, on Tellico River near its junction with the Little Tennessee. Ill TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES and make their Escape. Here are two town Housses in this Town by reason they are the people of Two towns settled together wch are both Enforted and their houses which they live in all Muskett proof. Munday the 26th day of July 1725. We stayed at Terriquo all day, it proving rainy, and sent away Messingers to the King of these parts at Tunissee ^ about 16 Miles from hence to inform the King that I should be with him the next day following in Order to give out the Governours Talk to his people. Tuesday the 2ph day of July 1725. The day proving very rainy we could not goe from hence according to the Message sent Yesterday to the King at Tunisee I informed the headmen at Terriquo that were at home that I Expected they would Accompany me to Tunissee where there King lived and where I intended to give them the English talk. Wednesday the 28th day of July 1725. We set away from Terriquo about Nine of the Clock this Morning and about ten of the Clock we had a Violent Shower of rain wch Caused the head men of Terriquo wch were along with me to return home and the Shower being over we set away and about one Clock in the Afternoon we Arrived at Tunisee where the King of the Upper people lives, and some time after my Arrival there I had their whole Ceremony used before me at which time the head Warriour of Tunissee got up and made the following Speech to me and the People of the Town. That they must now mind and Consider that all their Old men were gone, and that they have been brougt up after another Manner then their forefathers and that they must ^ Tennessee, on Little Tennessee River, near its junction with the Tennessee. 112 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOLTINAL Consider that they could not live without the English. As for his part and the Kings they allways are and will be loving and kind to the English for taking so much Notice of them in sending up one of their beloved men among them which they as Young Men had never seen before. Mind that if ever I dye you Pitch upon a Man among you that will talk to you for your own good as I do, and that he be a Man that will always Stick Close to the English who you have, and will always bee good to you and be sure You mind what I have now said to you. The head Warriour having done Speaking they all re- turned thanks. He then Ordered both Men Women and Children to take us by the hand as Brothers and ffathers to them. Their whole Ceremony being over, I then informed the King and head Warriours that I had heard his good talk to his people and that I was come a great way with a great talk from the Governour and all the belov'd men of the English (their brothers) which I was ready to give out to them as soon as I had Notice that all the head men of the Towns had mett together. And then the head Warriour got up and told the People what I had said to the King which they in one Voice gave thanks to him for. The King informed me that as soon as they had mett together he would let me know. At Night the head Warriour being along with us at Supper and afterwards Smoaking two or three pipes of Tobacco gave us the following Accot of what had happened since Mr. Wigan had left them. That about Six Nights agoe a Man and a Woman going over the river to geather some herbs to make Salt, the Man left the Woman for some small time in Order to go and Shoot a Turkey, and at his return back he Espyed some Enemies who he found had taken away the Woman he left behind him and the Man making his Escape Allarmed the Town who Iriiediatly got a party of Men and went out about 35 Miles agt the Enemy but could not come in Sight of them, they dividing in Small Numbers and the doggs which the people 113 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES had a long with them runing before gott Sight of the Enemy and made a Sad Noise, the Enemy finding by the dogs that these people were Nigh them, they then took to their heels and gott away the Night coming on. They beleive there was five of the Enemy (one of which) they Suppose to have Struck out by himself with the Woman that was Carried away. That the begining of last Moon some of his people being a hunting down the river about i6 Miles discovered a great body of their Enemies, On which they immediatly sent in some of their people to Allarm the Town, who Im- mediatly dispatched away a party of Men in Canoes and when they came up with their own people that had first discovered the Enemy they sent out four ffresh look outs, who they told they would goe easily down the River and Land at some Convenient place, the lookouts in the mean time coming upon the Enemy, who were on the top of a Hill took them for their own people, thinking that they might be landed long before they gott there, and the lookouts calling to the Enemy (who they took for their own people) the Enemy made no Answer, and then they discovered they were the Enemy and said to one another, "lets run for it," and as they run the Enemy followed them and wounded one of them but he getting into a Thickett they were afraid to Venture after him, so that he made his Escape, the other three look outs keeping along came up with their own body of people and told them what had happened (on which) they took Measures to way lay the path for the Enemy wth thought to give them battle the next Morning, but the Enemy as they Supposed discovered them and Steared their Course from them in the Night and got away on which the people returned home without any Success. After the relation of the foregoing Story he further said that they were hemed in all round with their Enemies and that if they were in Unity with the Southward Indians they should have no Enemy then to look after but the ffrench Indians who they could send out agt And then Venture to leave their Women and Children at home and also that they could then have room to Hunt. 114 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL Thursday the 2Qth day of July 1725. Came in from Terriquo two of the head men of the said Town to hear the talk given to the King at Tunisee. Friday the 30th day of July 1725. Saturday the 31 day of July 1725. Nothing Occured this two daies for my Observation. Sunday the ist day of August 1725. Munday the 2d day of August 1725. The head men of the following Towns being mett together at Tunisee I had the talk Interpreted to them. Tunissee . Terriquo . Tallassee Suittico . Coosaw .... Elejoy . Tamantley . . . Cheeowee Conustee .... Towns on this side the hills. Towns on the other side the hills. Towns wanting in the Upper Settlements : Iwasee and Little Terriquo I inform'd them by the Two Linguisters that I was sent a great way by the English with their talk for the good of the Cherookees and hoped that they would take Notice of it. A. That they were glad to see me among them and that they would take Notice of no other talk but the English's. The talk being Interpreted to them they returned thanks And then I Examined them as follows in relation to the Coosaw Man ^ being Reed by one of their Towns. Q. What did the Coosaw Man which was reed by Terri- quo Town say to the people of the said Town .^ The Head Warriour of Great Terriquo made Answer as follows : That the Coosaw Man came to this Town with a Slave Woman that was taken from them by the Creeks and ^ Kusa man, an inhabitant of the Upper Creek Town of Kusa, which was situated on the Coosa River in Talladega County, Alabama. "S TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES that Tusseegi omeco of the Coosaw Town in the Abeecoes ^ Ordered her to come along with his Nephew which was the sd Coosaw Man and to Sue for a peace for Six of their towns, and one more wch had not heard of it with the Cherokees. The head Warriour of Terriquo also informed me, that the reason the Woman was sent along [with] the Coosaw Man was because there was a party of the Cherokees and some Chicksaws gone out against the Creeks who coming up with some of the Abeecoe Towns, a Cheeckesaw ffellow that was among them, run away from the rest of the party, and got with the Abecoe Towns, and gave the Abecoes an Accot that the English had sent up an Army of White men and Negroes to the Cherokees to goe agt the Creeks, and Advised them to Enfort themselv's forthwith which was the reason they sent the Coosaw Man and the Slave Woman to the Cherokees. Q. Why did you beleive an Idle ffellow who came to tell you lies for if he had come for a peace he would have brought some token with him ? J. That the Slave Woman which the Coosaw Man brougt along with him was his Child, and that the Coosaw Man informed him that if [they] approved of His Message they would send all the Cherokees home which they had Amongst them as Slaves at times, which made him believe what the Coosaw man said to him. I inform'd him that he might as well beleive any Idle Fellow who perhaps might be sent from a body of their Enemies (who might be near any of their Towns) to discover what Number of people might be in them and if they found they could have an Advantage over them then they would Cutt you off before you could Defend yourselv's agt them. J. That it was very true what I had said and that such a thing might happen at one time or another. Q. Why did you not Immediatly send to your King living in the next Town to Yours and the rest of the people of your ^ Abihkas, Upper Creek Indians inhabiting the valley of the Upper Coosa. ii6 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL Nation to lett them know that a Coosaw man was come into your Town ? A. That he did send a Messinger and was going to send another but the News of Quannissee being Cutt of by the people of the Coosaw Man's Nation made him run away in the Night after four days Stay wth him. Q. What did you say to the Coosaw Man before he went away ? A. That he told him that there were Several of his people out at Warr and that if they killed any of the Coosaws or if the Coosaws killed any of his People that it must not be thought of. Q. What discourse had you with him the time he was with you wch you say was four day's } A. That he Advised him to be gone because he did not design he should go any further into the Towns, and that he Expected the King (who he knew would not Approve of his being there) having sent a Second Messinger to him. I inform'd him that I found by his discourse that he was Conveyed away by him. A. That if he had been Conveyed away by him that he would not have left his Gun and Coat behind. At which Answer all the rest of the head men at the Meeting Laughed at him wch is their way when any of their head men do any thing without the Consent of their King and the head men of the other Towns. Q. How came you to Suffer your Young Men to go to Warr agt the Coosaws in so little a time after the Coosaw Man run away ^ A. That they were Young Men and would do what they pleased. The foregoing Answer gives me Strong reason to beleive that none of the People at Terriquo were willing to receive the Coosaw Man Except the head Warriour and some of the old men. Q. Why did not you send the English word that a Coosaw Man was come to Your Town for a peace according to the Promise when you was last down and According to the 117 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES promise of all the head men of your Nation that have been down to the English ? A. That the Coosaw Man run away before the King and head men could meet together to Consult abt him so that they could not send down to the English. This was all I could gett from the head Warriour he being so Confused at what he had done and at what I had say'd to him in the presence of the rest of the head men at the Meeting. At my giving out the Talk when I came to that part of it wch relates to their making any Treaty with the French or their Indians, I thougt fitt to Add the following Article to it : That if any french Man comes among them that they Secure them because they do all they can to destroy them And that altho they do not come into Towns, Yet they come a great way wth their Indians (y[ou]r Enemies) in the path and down the river with a design to destroy your People. To the foregoing discourse they gave the following Answer. That they never will Suffer any flFrench Man Whatsoever to come amongst them, because they never had any love to them, and the King and the head Warriour of Tunnisee Spoke as follows : That they remembred very well what the English Govr said to them when they were last down relating to the French, Which was to Secure them and to take their goods for them- selv's Which they also made Answer and said they would be Sure to mind what the Govr said because they never had any Value for the ffrench nor never will. I inform'd them that the 14th day of this Month I had Appointed to be the General Meeting at Elejoy and that I Expected they would all be there and that I should send as soon as they could get me a Messinger to go to the Lower King and headmen who had promised to mett as soon as they heard from me to give me a General Answer to the talk I had given them. And then they all made Answer that they would be sure to be there and that they would before that time Consider well of what talk I had given them. 118 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL And then they Departed. Came in this day from Kewohee Henry Guston and Ja : Millikin, Indian Traders. Wednesday the jd day of August 1725. This Morning appeared before me Ja: Millikin and Henry Guston to Answer a Complt agt^ them pursuant to my Orders of the 1 8th of July last in Relation to their Employing one John Hewet for one whole Year in the Indian Trade without my leave or Lycence which I proved before them by Two Letters from them to the said Hewet, wherein they Charge him not to Trade in the presence of any White Man for fear of his being discovered. And the said Gustin and Millikin pleading that they Employed the said Hewet out of Charity and without any design of defrauding the Country or in Contempt of the Government and hoping that I would take their Case under Consideration and to Shew them as much favour as the Cir- cumstance of the Case would Admitt of, and as would seem mett with me, Promiseing for the future to take care of any further Complt against them. And on Considering the above Complt I Ordered them to give me a Note for the Sum of Thirty pounds payable to the Country it being there due from the said Hewet who Traded for them a whole Year without any Lycence and they having given me their Note accordingly on Mr. Saml. Eveleigh Mercht I then dismist them of the Complt agt them giving them in Charge to take care for the future how they behaved themselv's, which they Promised to do. Wednesday the 4th day of August 172^. Thursday the ph day of August 172^. Friday the 6th day of August 172^. Saturday the 7 day of August 1725. Sunday the 8th day of August 172^. ^ Complaint against. 119 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Munday the gth day of August 1725. Nothing Occured these Six days for my Observation. Tuesday the loth day of August 1725. We set away from Tunnisee about 9 of the Clock in the Morning in Company with the King of the Upper People and the head Warriours of the sd Town in Order to goe to the General Meeting and about four of the Clock in the 1 Afternoon We came to Terriquo where we Stayed all Night and the next day. Thursday the 12th day of August 1725. Having Intelligence that the Cherekee Woman who came along with the Coosaw Man from the Abecoes was in this Town, I thought fitt to Examine her as Follows : Who gave you leave to return to your own Nation again ? A. That she had leave from Youho-lo-mecco a head Man of the Occacoochee Town in the Abecoes and that Six Nights before She came away the head Men of the said Town had a meeting with Several others but She could not tell what they mett about or that She was to be sent home And that She was Ordered first to come along by herself, by the Coosaw Mans Nephew. Q. Did you hear that the Upper Creeks had any meeting about a peace with the Cherokees "^ A. No, but that she was Ordered by Youho-lo-mecco to talk with the Cherookees about a peace with them for the Summer gone, the Winter coming and the Spring following. Q. Do You understand the Creek Language "i A. Yes. Q. Did You hear the head Men of the Towns where you was talk of a Peace .^ A. That She did, and that Six Nights before she came away they had a Meeting abt it but that she did not hear what they had Concluded on and that She was sent away by 120 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL You-ho-lo mecco when She was gathering of Wood, and that he Ordered his Nephew to come along with her. Q. How many Towns did you Understand were for a Peace ? A. That all the Towns of the Upper People were for a Peace. Q. Did You understand what made them desirous of a peace ? A. That they Supposed there was a great Number of their people killed by the Cherokees but that She finds Since she has been at home they were killed by the ffrench Indians which was their reasons for a peace. Q. Do you know what Answer the Coosaw Man that came along with you had to Carry home with him in relation to his Message which was for a Peace ? A. That She beleived he run away before he had any Answer given him. I inform'd her that I understood she was in the Town House when the people of Terriquo Town talked to him. A. That she heard them say Nothing to him abt his Message and that they talked with him only about the path and his Journey to Terriquo Town. I Observe that when any of these people (who are taken) return back to their own Nation that they are keept four day's and Nights in the Town house and that the people of the Town dance all the time, so that if there had been any thing said to the Coosaw Man (who was keept in the Town house also) that she must have heard it she being in the Town House along wth the Coosaw Man all the time of his Stay with these people. Some small time before my Departure from Terriquo Arrived there three Chickesaws from their own Nation with a Message (as I was Informed) wch Occassioned my Enquiry about it and found it to be as follows : That they were Sent to the Cherokees by their head men to give them an Accot that they heard by the way of the Toomes (a Settlement of the French Indians) that the Creeks had Concluded on a talk to cutt off Terriquo Town last Year. 121 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES That the Chickesaws have made a peace with the Chactaws but for no Longer time then they can have an Opportunity of Cutting a Number of The Chactaws off as they Served the Chickesaws some time agoe. That the Weeo-tee-noes, (the ffrench Indians) have lately killed the Chickesaw King which they little Expected they being at peace wth them and that they have also killed Several of their Men on the Broad river so that now they have declared open Warr with them. They also give an Accot that the broad river is full of Canoes with ifrench Indians in them and that they are all about in these parts. That there was four White Men in the Chickesaw Nation and that they had sold all their goods, but three of them was gone down with 20 horse load of Skins and the other Stays to take care of what Skins is left behind and that they all Promised to be up again about this time. We set away from Terriquo about 10 of the Clock this Morning and about 6 at Night We came a Mile Short of a place called Beaver Dam being about 24 M. where we lay in the Woods all Night. Friday the ijth day of August 1725. Set away from our Camp about 6 of the Clock in the Morn- ing and abt one of the Clock in the Afternoon we came to Conustee having travilled this day 26 Miles. Saturday the 14th of August 1725. Stayed at Conuste all day having an Accot that the head men of the whole Nation were not mett at Elejoy according to their promise being about Eight Miles from hence. Sunday the 15th day of August 1725. Stayed at Conustee all this day having great Raines. Munday the 16 day of August 1725. The Weather breaking up and being very fair We set away from Conustee about 10 of the Clock in the Morning 122 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL and about Twelve at Noon we came to Elejoy where was mett together the King and head men of all the Upper People in Order to be at the General Meeting at the said Town and in Expectation of meeting the King and head men of the Lower people who Appointed to be here two days after the time appointed for the General meeting. Tuesday the 17th day of August 1725. This Morning a Messinger was sent away to Jhoree ^ and Noocochee to inform the head men of the Lower people (who we had an Accot were mett at those places) that the King and head men of all the Upper People were mett at Elejoy and to know why they did not meet them According to the Appointed time for the General Meeting. Wednesday the i8th day of August 1725. Finding that the Upper people had not sent away Messin- gers to the Lower people according to their Promise Yester- day, I went my Self to them about it and desired to know their reasons for not sending to the Lower people. They Answered that the King and all the head men of the Upper people were mett at the place and time appointed and that they have waited four Nights for the Lower people who had Notice of the time and place for the General meet- ing as well as they. 0. I then asked them if they thougt it would take up too much time in sending Messingers to the lower people for the English to know their reasons for not meeting according to their promise, And then the head Warriour got up and Or- dered two Messingers to go to Nocoo-chee where the head men of the Lower people were mett. The Head Warriour of Tunnisee told me that he would Stay til the Messingers Returned and that if the Lower people did not come with them they would hear the talk and return home. ^ Jore, on lola Creek, an upper branch of the Little Tennessee. I 123 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES I inform'd him that at the return of the Messingers I would give them the talk. The two Messingers who were sent Yesterday to the Lower people returning Informed us that they mett a Messinger from the Lower people abt 15 Miles from hence who Informed them that the head Man of the Lower people were mett together at Nocochee and that they Expected to have the talk there (in Answer to which) the Messinger that went from hence Informed the other Messinger by my Order that the King and head men of all the Upper People were mett to- gether at Elejoy being the place appointed by them all after the General Meeting and that I was very Uneasy at their not coming having Stayed Six days for them and that I designed the talk to be given them at no other place then Elejoy. Arrived here one James Beemer with two other Men (by Name) Daniel Jenkins and Peter Wood Indian Traders who informed us that they set away from the Settlemts 13 days after us and that they were 29 dales on the Path to this Nation. Thursday the igth day of August IJ25. Waited at Elejoy all day in Expectation of the Lower people's coming and they not coming according to Expecta- tion, The Head Men of the Upper People sent their King to me in the Evening to informe me that they had Waited here a long time for the Lower people and that they would wait one day longer and that if they didn't come in that time that they would have the Talk given them again, at which time they Should be ready with their Answer. I inform'd the King that I hoped they would rest Satisfyed for one day longer and that if they did not then come I would give him and his head men the talk and that after I had had their Answer I intended to goe to the lower people from hence. Friday the 20th day of August 1725. This Morning I hired a Special Messinger to go in the path to Nocoochee til such time he mett the lower people and that 124 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL if he mett them in the path to hasten them here, because the talk was to be given toMorrow Morning to the Upper people who had waited so long a time for them, And in Case he did not mett them to go to Nocoochee and if he found them there to inform them that I Expected they would keep all together til such time I came to them which (God willing) I designed on Sunday next before which time I intended to give the talk again to the Upper People and to have their Answer thereto. The Messinger returning abt 6 of the Clock in the Evening Informed Us that he had mett the lower people who he said would be here this Night, And they having come Accord- ingly I desired to know their reasons for their not coming sooner. They informed me that their King had set the time 6 Nights longer then I had set it before, and that the reason their King did not come along with them was because, he was out of Order in his Grind and that it was his Custome to Serve the head Men after this Manner at any of their meet- ings. I plainly perceive by all the lower people that [they] have not any regard for their King, he being a Man (As I have been informed) that they never could rely on for truth which makes them so doubious of their being sent for at any time to hear the English talk. Memorandum : That Daniel Jenkins is allowed as a Substitute to Thomas Booth Indian Trader provided the said Booth forthwith sends down to Charles Town John Hunt who is incerted in his Lycence, the said Booth having given his Note to the Country on Demand for the Sum of Ten pounds for the En- dorsmt of the said Jenkins on the back of his Lycence it being the Country's due. Additional Instructions to Thomas Booth and to all per- sons Interested or Indorsed in his Lycence and to every of them : You are not on any Accot or pretence whatsoever to receive of any Indian or Indians any Sort or Quantity of I2S TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Raw Skines or Skines Undreast Either in the Vending of any Sort or Quantity of the goods to them or any other way's Whatsoever. Saturday the 21 day of August 1725. The King and head men of all the Upper Settlemts and of 24 Towns of the Lower Settlemts being mett together I had the talk given to them — reed their Answer thereto as follows : At a Meeting of the King and head men of all the Upper Settlements and of 24 Towns of the Lower Settlemts at Elejoy. Eleazer Wigan and Jo : Cooper Interpreters. The King of the Upper people made the following Speech to me : That they are all very glad the English have taken so much Notice of them in sending one of their beloved Men among them, That they have gathered a few Skines which they desired I would Accept of to do with them as I pleased. That the head men of all the Towns in the Nation (Except a few of the Lower Towns) are now mett together to hear the English talk again and to give their General Answer thereto having already agreed upon it and that they are Unanimous in their Opinion. After the King had done Speaking I inform'd them that as the head men were here altogether that I should give them the talk again and that I hoped they had Considered it well since I gave it them before because I Expected they would be very General in their Answer. And the Talk being Interpreted to them, they called them- selv's together and having Consulted for some time among themselves they made Choice of the head Warriour of Tunni- see to be their Speaker and to return the following Answer for them all : That they heard some thing of White men being sent amongst them and that the White Men in the Nation Ex- pected them as well as they. That the Coosaw Man wch was reed by the head Warriour 126 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL of Terriquo made his Escape before the King or head Men of any other of the Towns had Notice of his being there, or Else they Should have known what to have done with him. That they understood when the English Govr came in and their head men were down that the English had Traders amongst the Creeks as well as Among them, and that all was Streight and that the talk was given to both Nations. I inform'd them that it was so with us Stil and that it will be so Stil if they make us Satisfaction as they find by the talk we have Demanded. That after this time they shall hear from the Creeks and that if they dont Comply with Our talk (sent them) that they Expect to hear from the English and to know what they design to do. That the Creeks do not only Abuse them, but also the English (their brothers) that they take away our goods and kill us and Shoot us and that now if the Creeks do not mind the Govrs talk that they are ready. That the English go the path and that some times their people go along wth them, that the Creeks kill both their people and Ours (And what) must No Notice be taken of these abuses .'' Now We for Our parts never Robb the White Men or kill them but always hearken good to the English talk and that we are a people as well as the Creeks. That if the White Men and the Creeks do Continue in ffriendshipp (it may be) that the Creeks may knock them on the head notwithstanding they are at peace with the English and then they'll use their pleasure in Continueing the War. As for the flfrench they never had any love for them nor never shall and that if any of them comes amongst them that they'll Secure them because it was the English Govrs Orders to them when their King and head men were down. That they have all their goods of the English and Arms to Defend themselves (without wch) they could not go to Warr and that they'll alway be ruled by them. That what goods they have among them is made by the English and that they are Supplied with Impliments of Warr from them who they take for their Eldest brothers, 127 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES and that when the Answer comes from the Creeks they Expect to hear from the English then they shall know whether they make Satisfaction to the English or not, and if they find the Contrary they are then ready to go against them as they did against the Tuskerorees.^ They having done Speaking I thougt proper to put the following Questions to them : Whether they would leave it to the English their Eldest Brothers (as they called them) that in Case the Creeks make us Satisfaction according to our talk whether they would Continue the Warr with them as it now is, or leave it to the English their brothers to make a peace for them if they think fitt for their good ? A. That when the English have had an Answer to their talk from the Creeks and that when they have heard it they'll then Consider on it. They having done Speaking I desired that if they all agreed to what the head Warriour of Tunnisee had said that they would all Speak in one Voice. Which they did Accordingly. And then I gave them the following Additional talk : I must inform You that I am Sorry to hear that its so hard for our Traders to get Burtheners among you when they want them and that when the difficulty of getting them is over that they'll not carry any burthens wth out being first payed and as I am informed very often leave their burthens half way of the place they are designed to be Carried to, So that the Traders are Obliged to pay double burthenage for every Pack. If You would but Consider that the goods which are Carryed from Town to Town are for the good of the whole Nation and that you Assist one another in the Carriage of them. Your head men would not Suffer such ill Practices among your Burtheners. And further I would have you Consider among yourselv's how you can Expect our Traders will be able to bring goods Amongst you, if your Burtheners ^ Tuscarora Indians. 128 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL impose on them as they have of late done and from this time they must not Expect to be paid til their Work is done and then you'l follow our English Custome. I must informe You that I have an Accot that Mr. Sharp one of Our Indian Traders amongst you came to one of the Towns of yr Nation in the Night time and took away what Skines was in the Town (and as I am informed) gave the Indians what he pleased for them. Now as your head men are altogether I Expect you [to] lett me know the truth of this Matter, that I may right the Persons that are injured being sent among you, to see that you have all Justice done you in Order that there may be a good Understanding betwixt you and us, who have always Esteemed you as our Brothers. Sometime agoe there was one Sawney Longe a Trader among You who went from Your Nation to the ffrench. I should be glad to know if you have anything to say against him be- cause when your King and head men were Last down they did not care he should be Interpreter for them to the English. I have of late found out an ill Custome among yr people which is their runing themselv's in debt to our Traders. I must inform You that the English are always very ready to do anything for Your good, But as for trusting you any more, you must not Expect because when the Traders trust you, they Expect you'll pay them, and ask you for their Skines, which at that time you may not have by you, and then they Quarrell one with another and Create ill blood among you and them, which the English never love to hear of you being their Brothers, as you may plainly see by their letting you have goods farr Cheaper then any other Indians on the Main and by their treating you so handsomely when any of you go down to them. And I must inform you that Our Traders are Orderd not to take any more raw Skines nor trust for their goods so that you must dress and bring them to the Traders before they can give you goods for them. And You very well know that Our goods are always dressed to your hands. Since now the King and all the head men of the Upper Settlemts and of 24 Towns of the Lower Settlemts are meet 139 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES together I must give you in Charge to mind what the English have alway's said to you and particularly at this time and I hope there will always be so good an Understanding between yr King and head men, that they will mind what he says to them and that the head Men will mind and take care to keep the Young men under them. And then You will be a people and your King and head men will be looked on as such by your people and by us. To the foregoing talk they returned the following Answer : I[n] Answer to the Parragraph in relation to Sharp, the head Warriour of Tuegelo Spoak as follows : That he knew the whole Matter and that Sharp did not take away any Skines from any Indians but was gathering in his Debts from them. As to the Parragraph relating to Sawney Long, They were Silent not earring to Complain of him. As to Trust and raw Skines they made Answer that it was intirely the White Mens faults and that some of them followed the Indians in the Woods for their Skines and that they love them so well that they do not care if they take them raw or any other ways. To the last Parragraph they made Answer That its what ought to be and that they intend to come into that Method otherwise they never will be a People. After they gave me the foregoing Answer I returned them thanks for their present of Skines and Informed them that I did not come among them to receive any presents but to give them the English talk for their good, and to keep the Traders among them in good Order. They answered That it was their thougts that I should take the Skines because that when any of their head men go down to the English they always have presents made them and that now they have a beloved Man of the English among them, its good to make presents to him and to treat him as well as they can. I informed them that as now I had done talking to them 130 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL I intended to take my leave of them, and then I wished them well, and safe home and desired them to keep a good look out agt their Enemies, And informed them that I should write down to the English Governour as soon as possible and then they would hear the Sooner from him, and that I would Acquaint them how ready and willing they were to meet to hear the English talk and how Civilly they had treated me. I gave Orders to the head Warriour of Toxsoak ^ and Chagey^ to Acquaint the head men of all the Towns, that have not been at the Meeting that I should meet them at Keewohee nine Nights hence to give them the talk in Order to have their Answer, Which they Promised to do. I desired that when ever they sent any of their people abt business to the English that they might be head War- riours, that We might know how to Use them, and those were the people among them that We must take the most Notice of. Sent Additional Instructions to Ja. Millikin, Andrew White and Eleazer Wigan Indian Traders debarring them from taking Raw Skines. Sunday the 22d day of August 1725. Having finished all Matters here I sett away abt ten of the Clock in the Morning and about Seven at Night We came to Nocoochee being about 34 Miles where we lay all Night. Munday The 2sd day of August 1725. We set away from Nocoochee abt Seven of the Clock in the Morning and abt Seven at Night We came toTuccarecho being about 27 Miles where We lay all Night. 1 Toxsaah, a Cherokee village on Chatooga Creek, near its head in Oconee County, South Carolina. 2 Chagee, a Cherokee village on Chatooga Creek, near its junction with the Tugaloo River. 131 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Tuesday the 24th day of August 1725. We set away from Tuccarecho about Eight of the Clock in the Morning and about ffive in the Evening we came to Tamusey being about 25 Miles where we lay all Night. Issued Out Orders to Mr. Cornelius Dougherty, Wm. Cooper, Edward Kirk, John Neely and David Doway debarring them of taking Raw Skines. Wednesday the 25th day of August 172$. Gave the following Permission to John Savy and John Hewet : You and Each of You are hereby permitted to Stay in the Indian Country til the return of Mr. David Doway from Charles Town who is to take out a New Lycence (in which) one of you are to be Indorsed or Inserted and The other to be Principal til which time you are not on any Accot whatsoever to Trade with any Indian or Indians and You and Each of you are to be of good behaviour during your Stay in the Indian Country on pain of Suffering the Utmost Severity of the Law in that Case made and pro- vided. Given under my hand this 25th day of Augt Anno Domo. 1725. Set away from Tamausey abt 10 of the Clock in the Morning and about one in the Afternoon We came to Keewohee being about Twelve Mile. Thursday the 26th day of August 1725. Sent Additional Instructions to Mr. John Sharp and Alexr. McCormick debarring them from taking any raw Skines. Gave the following Authority to Mr. Saml. Brown Indian Trader : You are hereby Authorized and required as soon as you Arrive in the Catabaw Nation to Inspect into the Lycences 13a COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL of all persons trading there and an Accot thereof to take and return to me on Oath as soon as possible as also an Accot of all persons Trading or residing in those parts without my leave or Licence and all persons in the said Nation are hereby required to pay due Obedience to these my Orders as they will Answer the Contrary at their Peril. Given under my hand and the Seal of Office for Regulating Indian Affairs this 26th day of August Anno Domo. 1725. Arrived here two Chickesaws from the Savannah Town ^ who came with a Message to the Cherokees to give them an Accot that the Cowetas ^ were gone in a body against the Yamassees and that the Upper Creeks designed to come up against the Upper Settlements of this Nation. And that they had this Accot from a Creek Indian who came down with a White Man to Savanah Town. And having Examined the Chickesaws Concerning this Matter they gave me the foregoing Accot. I then informed them that I could not beleive what they had sayed because if it had been true I should have heard of it before now from the Comander of the Savanah Garrison or some of Our White Men. Thursday the 26th day of August 1725. Friday the 27th day of August 1725. Issued to Capt. Wm. Hatton and to all persons in his Lycence Additional Instructions debarring them from tak- ing raw Skines and also forblding his two Packhorse men to Trade, it being Contrary to Law. Issued out also to Mr. Richard Hasford, Mr. Sharp and ^ Savannah Town, on the east bank of the Savannah River, six miles below the present site of Augusta, Georgia, was protected by Fort Moore. 2 Kawltas, Lower Creeks in what is now Russell County, Ala- bama. 133 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Mr, McComIck Additional Instructions debarring them from taking raw Skines. Saturday the 28th day of August 1725. Sunday the 2Qth day of August 172^. Munday the joth day of August 172$. Sent the following Letter together with a Copy of the General Answer to the talk to his Honour the President : May it please your Honour — Since my last to your Honour I have been Over the Hills and have given the Talk to the people of those parts and throughout the Towns in the Road there which I with a great deal of Satisfaction must inform your Honour has mett with its desired Effects as your Honour will see by the General Answer of the head men of the whole Nation here- with Inclosed Excepting of ten Small Towns the head men being all Out a hunting, so that I have given Orders to them to meet me at the Great dance here (called the Green Corn dance and then I shall have the talk Interpreted to them, and I cannot think they'll desent from the Answer of all the rest of the Towns they being so few in Number and their Towns so Inconsiderable. I have been very particular in my discourse to the Upper people Concerning the reception of the Coosaw Indian and find that he was reed by the head man of Terriquo (a Town over the hills) and that the King who lives but Sixteen Miles of them, had not the least Intelligence of it til such time the fellow run away altho he was with them four daies and its my Opinion that the Chief reason of his being reed there was because he brougt along with him a Woman (one of the head men of Terriquo's relations) wch they had taken from the Cherokees and I am very possitive that if it had come to the Ears of the King or head men of any other of the Towns before the ^ The busk or green-corn dance was a solemn annual festival of eight days' duration. It was observed by both Creeks and Cherokees, was made the occasion of forgiveness and absolution of crime, and thought to be a time for a change of mind. 134 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL Fellow made his Escape that they would have Certainly destroyed him as they declared they would at the General meeting and Endeavoured as much as they could to Shame the head man of Terriquo when I particularly Examined him about it. I have also Examined the Cherokee Woman that came along with the Coosaw Man concerning the Creeks making a peace with these People and she informs me that Six Nights before She came away Several of the head men of the Upper Creeks had a Meeting abt it but that she could not learn what they had Concluded on, but in- forms me that all the Upper Creeks are very desirous of a peace with these people, having as they Suppose lost a great many of their people by them (which she finds since she has been at home) they are Mistaken in and says that they have lost most of their people by the ffrench Indians. I could not understand by her that the Coosaw fellow had any Private Message from the head Warriour of Terriquo to Carry home with him or from any of the Towns. She informed me that she was sent home by You-ho-lo-mecco a head man of Occacochee Town in the Abecoes and that the Coosaw man that came along with her was his Nephew and that he particularly gave her in Charge to talk with the Cherokees abt a peace for the Sumer gone, the Winter to come and the Spring following. This Sir, is the Chief of the Examination wch I thougt would be proper to Acquaint your Honr of and I must remark to you that Sevl of the men of Terriquo Town Went out to Warr and brougt in two Scalps just after the Coosaw man made his Escape which in my Opinion shows how little these people are for a peace. I had an Accot at Terriquo by three Chicksaw fel- lows that came in there just at my departure from thence that they and the Chactaws have made a Peace tho for no longer time then they can have a fair Opportunity in killing a Number of them as they Served the Chicksaws some time agoe. They likewise gave me an Accot that the Weeo-tee- nees (the ffrench Indians) have latly killed their King which they say they little Expected they being at peace with them and have now declared War agt them, they allso give 135 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES me an Accot that the broad River is full of Canoes with ffrench Indians in them and that they are all about in these parts. How true this Information may be I cannot Assure your Honours because they are always known to be a people that run from one Nation to another Inventing what Stories they can to Amuse the people with, and I should be heartily glad if there could be some Means found out to prevent their being so much Carest by these people and their drop- ing in amongst them as they do and I am very Jealous of the[ir] Over powering them at one time or another. I must inform your Honour that the people in these lower parts have so little regard for their King that they do not in the least hearken to him and the reason of it is because he is a Man they can't rely on for truth and in my Opinion is more under the Comands of his Subjects then they are under him, which makes him very Undeserving of the Station he is in, and I am of Opinion that an old Indian called (breakerface) is the properest person for a King for these parts, he being a Man of resolution and was always known to be a good man to the English and I beleive will keep the Young men under a better Governmt then now they are. I hope Your Honour will not forget laying before the Assembly what I mentioned to you in my last in relation to the Traders having the Liberty to send their Substitute from Town to Town to Trade in their behalfs which in my Opinion will be the Sole Means of Spoiling the Indians as well as the Trade, they having so little regard as to what they do amongst them or how they dispose of their Employers goods so they get but a few Skines, and having discoursed Several of the Traders themselves I find them to be of my Opinion and are very willing to have a Stop put to it, and to have the Towns divided amongst the Principal Traders. I must Assure your Hour that I should not press this Affair so much did I not see the ill Conveniences of it and I must take Notice to your Honour that last Year his Excellcy and some of his Majties Honble Council did not Approve of my granting so many Lycences and altho' there are not so many Lycences this year. Yet there is three times the 136 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL Traders, the persons Inserted therein being on the same ffooting as the Principal and It was my Opinion on the Comlttee for drawing the last Indian Trading Act that they would soon see the 111 Conveniency of Granting that Indul- gence to the Traders wch was In Opposition to the Virginia Traders who I am Certain cannot do any prejudice to Ours In the way of Trade, there not being above two or three of them and their goods no ways Sortable or Comparable to ours. If the General Assembly do not Approve of Alter- ing the Law after this Manner or after the Manner it was last Year, I shall be very Apprehensive of some Unforseen Misfortune. I am Sorry to Inform Your Honour that the Traders are not In the least Ashamed to make Publick their trusting the Indians last Year for such Considerable Quan- titys of goods as they did and tho' they have Instructions to the Contrary and know the 111 Consequences of It so well as they do I have Informed them that I Intend to prosecute all their Bonds which God willing I Intend to do, and have wrote to Majr Blakewey to deliver out their bonds to the Kings Attorney to do with them as he shall think proper and Wee all too well know the 111 Consequences of Trusting the Indians and have fattaly Experienced them. Two dales agoe Arrived here from Savanah Town two Chlcke- saws (who as they Informed me) came with a Message to the Cherokees from their people to give them an Accot that the Cowetaws were gone in a body against the Yamasees and that the Upper Creeks designed for the Upper Chero- kees and that they had this Accot from a Creek Indian who came down with a White Man to Savannah Town, If this Is truth, I Suppose Your Honr hath heard of it before now from the Comander of the Savannah Garrison or some other- ways. I beleive it would be very proper if your Honr thinks fitt that there be four Coats and Shirts and four pair of Stocklns to be made Presents of One Coat, one Shirt, and one pair of Stockings to the Upper King To the Head Warriour of Tunnisee Ditto. To the Head Warriour of Tugelo Ditto. To Old Breakerface Ditto. 137 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES These are the Most Noted Men in the Nation and as the present is so Small I hope it will be sent them. I have taken care to Speak to the Indians at their General meeting that they do not send anybody down to the Eng- lish about business but such as are head Warriours and I must take Notice that the King of the lower people when he has a Mind to send anybody down to the English that its unknown to the Upper King and that he getts the Traders to write what they please to the Governmt abt the people which he sends down which I have told the Traders of and to take care how they impose on the Governmt as they have heretofore done. It is my humble Opinion that these people are so well Affected to us that they may be brought into any Measures the Governmt pleases and I must Assure yr Honour that I have been Reed every way by them with a great deal of Joy and I am Certain they have Ussed me with their Utmost Civillity. Your Honour will Receive this Letter by four Indians who I have given Orders to Wait at my house to know your Honours pleasure and I am in hopes Your Honour has heard from the Creeks and that you'l dispatch what is thought proper to me til which time, I shall be travilling from Town to Town and lear[n]ing all I can from the Indians. I Should not have sent four Indians had not two been afraid to come by themselvs and I have drawn on Collo. Parris ^ for a White Blankett Each which is much Cheaper then I could pretend to gett a White Man. Wee have an Accot that the Senecas have latly fallen on the Waccamaws ^ and Carryed away with them Several Slaves and that they are very thick in these parts, so that Mr. Brown (who is here) cannot get Burtheners to goe that way along with him. I must take Notice to your Honour that Sharp and Hatton have brougt up their Slaves altho' by Law they are to fforiiet one hundred pounds for so doing and I should think myself Negligent in my Duty if I did not Acquaint your Honour therewth and altho' Sharp hath your Honours leave Yet Hatton hath not, and it's my ^ Alexander Parris was treasurer of South Carolina in 1712-1735. ^ Indians dwelling in the region of the Lower Pedee. 138 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL Opinion that the Law ought to be punctually Complyed with in that Case because the Slav's that are now come up talk good English as well as the Cherokee Language and I am Affraid too often tell falcities to the Indians which they are very apt to beleive, they being so much among the English. As for the Skines which the Indians were pleased to make me a present of (and which I could not refuse without Affronting them) I know not how to gett them down without I have horses sent for them, Your Honour being well Acquainted with the bulk of an Indians Present of Skines. I intend (God willing) after I have reed the Governmts Comands and finished all Matters here to set away for Savana Town. Your Honour hath inserted in this Letter the Chiefs of my Journal and when any thing further Occurs Shall not fail of Acquainting the Governmt therewth. I have nothing further to Advise Your Honour of but desire you'l be pleased to render my best Services Acceptable to his Majties Honble Council and the Honble Gentlemen of the Assembly and You'l Oblige Your Honours Most Obliged humble Servant. Sent the following Order bythe bearer of the foregoing Letter to CoUo. Alexr. Parris Treasurer. Sir — Please to pay to the bearers each a Blankett, they having come down as runners on the Country Service and place it to the publicks Accot of Moneys reed on Accot of Indian Trading Lycences as the Law directs. I am Sr Your most humble Servant. Tuesday the ji day of August 1725. Wednesday the ist day of September 1725. Thursday the 2d day of September 1725. Arrived here from Savanna Town Six Chickesaw man ^ three Women and two Children, who gave us an Accot 1 Men. K 139 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES that Collo Hastings was at Savana Town and that he went down to the English in Company wth Mr. Haines Indian Trader, and also that the Cowetaws were gone in a body against the Yainasees and that the Upper Creeks designed for the Upper Cherokees. I I Friday the 3d day of September 1725. Saturday the 4th day of September 1^25. This day being Appointed for the Green Corn dance the head men of Seven Towns that were not at the General Meeting mett here, and abt Eleven Clock in the Morning they came to me and brougt a few Skines with them and having appointed their King their Speaker He informed me that the Skines he brougt here were a present for me from the Towns that had not their head men at the General Meeting. I informed them that I thanked them for their present, but that I did not come among them to receive any presents but to Settle a good understanding between them and the English (their Brothers) and that they were the people the English had most Value for, I also told them that I did not doubt but that they had heard the talk and the Answer of the head men of all the other Towns and that if they Approvd of the Answer I desired they would all Speak in one Voice. They Answered that they Approved of the Talk and the Answer I had had to it very well and that they had ap- pointed their King to Speake for them, who Spoak as follows : That they were all well Satisfyed with the Talk and the Answer thereto, and that they all intended to be at the next j meeting after I had heard from the English. I Answered j that it was very well and that I was glad they Approved of I what had been done and that as soon as I had heard from ' the English they should hear from me and then they took me by the hand and departed. 140 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL Sunday the 5th day of September 1725. Munday the 6th day of September 172^. This Morning came to me King Crow and some of his head men to Enquire w[ha]t was done with the boy they promised to redeem last Year. I told them that he was among the English learning to make Shoes and that according to their desire he would not be sent over the Great Water and that as soon as they had made a gathering among themselv's of Skines to pay for him that they might then have him again as soon as they pleased, at which they went away well Satisfyed, the King and head men having heard that I designed to goe to Togelo parts informed me that he with some of his head Men would Accompany me there. Memorand : That John Facey and Wm. Collins are Allowed as Pack- horse Men to James Millikin Indian Trader, he having given an Order on Samuel Eveleigh Mercht in Charles Town payable to the Publick for the Sum of £20, it being required by Law for the Endorsement of the said Pack horse men. Given under my hand and Seal the date above written. Tuesday the yth day of September 1725. Wednesday the 8th day of September 1725. About Seven of the Clock in the Evening came in here a Young ffrench ffellow with a Chickesaw Woman who Stayed til the Dusk of the Evening about a Mile from the Town being very much afraid of these people knocking him on the head before he could come to the Sight of some White Person. Thursday the gth day of September 172^. Having Examined the French man in relation to his coming to these parts I thought proper to send the follow- ing Letter to his Hour the Presidt 141 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES May it please your Honr — Yesterday about the hour of Seven of the Clock In the Evening came in here a Young ffrench Fellow with a Chicke- saw Woman who I have Examined this day and find that last fall he deserted from the Garrison at Moville ^ and went to the Chactaws and hearing that the ffrench were in Pur- suit of him, he came from thence to the Chickesaws where he mett with Mr. Chambers, one of Our Traders there, who he came down with to Savanna Town, where he was Secured by the Comander there who I suppose had wrote to your Honour to know Your pleasure Concerning him, but in the mean time the ffellow run away with the Chickesaw Woman he brought here along with him, who I found was taken Slave by the Chacktaws from the Chickesaws and that She was sold to the French from whom he brougt her away with a design to Sell her, or to keep her as his Wife. This Sir his Examination which I thougt would be very proper to send down to your Honour for fear he should vary therein. This Morning mett together Several head men of this as well as other towns (who came here to the Great dance) to Consult about the ffrench ffellow who they had Con- cluded to knock on the head, saying that it was the English Govrs talk, and having asked my Advise therein, I told them it was not our talk to kill the ffrench [but] only to Secure them when they came among them wth goods and to send us word of their being amongst them, and having this Opportunity by Mr. Foulton, Indian Trader, I thought proper to send him down to your Honour to do with him as shall be thought proper, it being my Opinion that his Stay here would be very pernicious to the Country. As for the Chickesaw Woman that came along with him I have Informed the Chickesaws that they may have her again she having been taken a Slave from them. This day I am setting Out for Togelo^ parts in Order to learn what I can of the people 1 Mobile. 2 Tugaloo ; there was a Cherokee town of this name in Haber- sham County, Georgia, at the confluence of Tugaloo River and Toccoa Creek 142 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL there and when anything of Moment Occurs I shall not fail in sending to your Honour to give you Notice thereof. I am Your hours Most Obedt humbe Servt. Wee set away from Keewohee abt lo of the Clock in the Morning and went to Tamausey where we Stayed for three dales. Friday the lOth day of September 1725. Came in here from Great Terriquo Andw White Indian Trader who gave us an Accot that the Enemy were all about the Middle Settlements and that a great body of them was discovered. Saturday the nth day of September 1725. This day I had an Accot from Keewohee by a Letter from Edward Kirk Indian Trader that the ffrench ffellow and Chickesaw Woman came to Keewohee the 8th Instant [and] were run away, altho' I gave possitive Orders to King Crow to secure him well, and that there was some of these people That were gone out after him. About Seven of the Clock in the Evening came in here the Warr hoop with the peice of a Scalp of an Ittewager Indian from Tuccaseegee ^ parts. Sunday the 12th day of September 172^. This day came to me King Crow and gave me an Accot that he heard the French man and Chickesaw Woman were seen at Chagey abt Six Miles from hence. I then gave Orders to him to Speak to the Warriours of this Town to send out to the other Towns and if possible to have him Secured til I should come down from Tolego parts. Munday the ijth day of September 1725. About two of the Clock this Morning I reed the follow- ing Letter from his Honour the President together with a ^ There was a Cherokee town of this name in Jackson County, North Carolina, at the confluence of the forks of the Tuckasegee River. 143 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Copy of Capt. Fitches ^ Journal from the Creeks and also a Copy of the Honble Councils Resolutions thereon with further Instructions to the said Capt. Fitch which were all Added to the Copy of the said Journal. Sir — Some few dales agoe I reed the Inclosed Journal of Capt. Fitch, his Proceedings with the Upper and Lower Creeks and the Several Letters Inclosed by which you will be fully Acquainted with every thing that has past in those parts. I have also dispatched away the resolutions of the Council to Mr. Fitch on his proceedings and further Additional Instructions as you will see them Added to the Lower part of the said Journal now sent you. I Expect to hear every day from you which Occasions this to be very Short, but as soon as I have reed further Advices from You I will take care to send You back our Opinion and Advice with further Instructions if Occasion, The Chief reason of my now sending Chester before that I had heard further from you is to give You Notice that the Creeks and Chactaws do design to fall on the Indians you are with, and thinking it to be an Advantage to them to know it I desire that you will take care that they Shall. If the Cherokees upon know- ing this would raise a Strong party and keep out good Scouts they might give the Creeks such a blow as they would never be able to gett over, but if they dont, lett them take what falls. We have no News from England not having had any Vessell from thence or from any other part. The Assembly dont sit til the twelfth of August and if you dont come down before that I will lay your Letter before the Genl Assembly and get the Alterations you Mention in the Indian Act. I have Ordered Chester to call on Mrs. Chicken for Letters, they are all well. I am with all due respects Your Very humble Servant Ar. Middleton. August the 29th 1725. ^ Tobias Fitch, who was on a mission to the Creeks similar to that of Chicken's to the Cherokees. See pp. 175-212, post. 144 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL Mr. Wigan — Last Night I had an Accot from the Settlemt that there's an Army of the Chactaws and Creeks coming agt these people about Six Weeks hence, so desire you'l give the people of your Town and Terriquo an Accot of this and tell them to be in a readiness and to raise as great a party of men o.ut of their Inland Towns as they can in Order to Defend their Frontiers Towns and also to keep out good Scouts that they may not be Surprised. I am Your Ifriend — We set away from Tamusey abt nine of the Clock this Morning and About three of the Clock in the afternoon We came toToxsoah and sent ^ away from thence (having Stayed there for some Small time) in Compa[ny] with King Crow and the head Warriour of the said Town and about four of the Clock in the afternoon we got to Nogouwee where we Stayed for some time. Tuesday the 14th day of September 1725. The head men of Six of the Adjacent Towns being As- sembled together they desired that I would meet with them at Togelo being the most Antient Town in these parts and having mett the head men of Six Towns accordingly at the said Town they fired a Volly at my Entrance of their Coun- cil House and Ussed their Ceremony before me, which being done the King Spoak as follows : That there was all the head Warriours of Six Towns mett together and then I proceeded to tell them as follows : First. That they might remember that I told them in the Talk that the English had sent up a beloved Man to the Creeks to Demand Satisfaction of them for Robing Sharp as well as for all injuries they have done us and Especially to Our Traders. Second. That I had now heard from the English about that Affair and that the Creeks had delivered up Mr. Sharps iSet. 145 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Slaves and had promised to make him Satisfacon for his goods and other things which they Robbed him of and that we were Satisfyed therewith at present. A. Its very well. Thirdly. That they may see how much care the English has taken of them in sending up to me a White Man on purpose to give them an Accot that there is no ^ body of the Chactaws who are to Joyn the Creeks and come against them and that they might Expect them in a Month or Six Weeks time if not Sooner. A. That they are their Enemies. Fourthly. That if you will take my Advise from the Eng- lish You need not to fear any of Your Enemies and may preserve Your Women and Children at home and likewise your Corn in the ground. A. That if the Enemy comes that they will defend their Towns til they are all dead. Fifthly. That if you would but Consider among Your- selv's how Numerous you are and how little you would Miss the drawing out of Each Town in the Nation A Small Num- ber of men, You would not talk of defending your Towns but would raise an Army of Men and Defend [yourselves from] your Enemies before they come Nigh your Towns and you cannot have a better Opportunity then now you have because the English have taken care to give You timely Notice of their design. A. That they'l Consider when I have done talking to them abt this Matter in particular. Sixthly. That the English had now and would always take care to lett them know the design of their Enemies and that if they did any Mischief they could not blame us. A. That they are very thankfull to the English. Seventhly. T must Advise you to keep out good Scouts to discover your Enemies path and to Watch their ways, and if you could but in the mean time draw out but Ten Men out of Each Town you would be able to give the Creeks ^ Now a. 146 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL such a Blow that they would for ever after dread you, and then you would Show yourselv's like men and let your Enemies see that You are not Afraid of them. After I had had the foregoing discourse with them They then informed me that they would all go and Consult together abt what I had said to them and that they would give me their Answer. The King with three of the head men from their Consul- tation Informed Ale that they had Consulted about what I had said to them and that they intended to sett ^ out Scouts forthwith in Order to discover the Enemy and that they had Concluded to send to the other towns in Order to mett them to Concurr abt what I had said to them. I inform'd that it was very well done of them and that I was glad I had taken such Methods. They informed me that when the head men of the Towns they had sent to had all mett together they should send out Several parties of Men severl waies in Order to discover the Enemy. I informed that unless they had a body of Men ready to go out against the Enemy when they were dis- covered that their Scouts would be but of little Service to them. A. That they'll take care when the head men of the other Towns meet to Consult about raising a body of men. I must inform You that if the Creeks were not Afraid of you that they would not have the Chactaws to joyn them against you and I cannot help giving you the best Advice I can in Order that you may be in a readiness to goe out against your Enemies, because its for your good that I do it, and the best way for You to discover Your Enemy is to have good Scouts before your Army. A. That they'll Consider about it as soon as the head men they had sent for had mett them. I informed them they must be as Speedy as posible and that in the mean time their Women ought to be prepairing fflower for their Journey. 1 Send. 147 TRA\^LS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES They then told me that they Understood the English i and Creeks were Streight Stil because they had done as the English Ordered them, and that they need not to be AfFraid, and that if the Enemy comes on them before they can gett a body it would not be the Englishes fault because they have given them Notice of it. I inform'd them that we had given them Notice of their Enemies design and that as they are Our best ifriends We would have them raise an Army to go out agt them that they might lett them see that they are not Afraid of them and that they are Men. The head Warriour of Toxsoah then Offered his Service in going out and said that he would gett what Men he could to goe along with him. I inform'd him that I was glad to see him so forward against his Enemies and that I hoped on a Consultation of them all that they would all follow his Example. Wednesday the 15th day of September 1725. Sent the following Letter to Mr. Eleazer Wigan at Tunisee. i Mr. Wigan — Since my last to you I have had a Meeting with the head men of Six Towns in Togelo parts Concerning the Advice I 1 have had from the Settlemt and having given them an Accot of the design of their Enemies I then proceeded to | perswade them as much as possible to raise a body of men | and to send out Scouts before them, and they having had some Consultation abt it Informed me that they would send to the other Towns in Order for them to meet and to Con- sult together and I am in hopes they'll Conclude to raise an Army and goe out, otherwise if any Accident happens to them they cannot blame us. The reason of my sending this is to desire you to Encourage the people in your parts to goe out in a body, and in Order thereto I Suppose they'll have a Meeting, at which I desire you'll be at and Lett me know what Steps they intend to take to prevent their Enemies doing them damage and I would have you Consult 148 COLOXEL CHICKEN S JOL-RXAL the long Warrioiir in particular abt this Affair hoping that he'll be for going out, and You must take care that they send a Message to these lower people to lett them know their resolution on this Affair, as these people have taken care to do to the people of your parts. You may inform them that I had an Accot from the English that the Creeks have made us Satisfaction according to our talk sent them and that Sharp will have full Satisfaction made him by them. I must inform You that these people have been ven.- thankfuU to the English for gi\"ing them an Accot of the design of their Enemies and for sending up to them a Wliite Man for that purpose. I Expect the same from the Upper people and must once more desire of you if possible to per- swade them to raise an Army of Men to Jo\"n these Lower people who I dont doubt but will be ver}* ready to Jojii them. Pray lett me hear from you as soon as possible and what your people design to do. I am Your ffriend. We set awav from hence and went to Chagev in Order to \"iew the Fortifications of that Town and upon \*ie^ving them I found that round their town house is built a ven.- Substantial Fort and that round the most part of the Town is built a Slight ffortification. We returned in the Evening to Xoyouwee. About ten of the Clock at Night came in the Warr hoop from Estotoe and gave us an Accot that there was a body of the Enemy discovered and that they had made Sevl paths towards these Towns downwards. Some time after the Warr hoop came in I went to the Town house and gave the people of the Town all the Encouragemt I could agt their Enemy in case they Should Attack them and informed them that they would find the Accot the English have taken so much care to srive them Concerninsr their Enemies would be true and that unless they would draw out a body of Men to keep them from their Towns that they would be a plague to them for this long time and might in all prob- abillity do them a great deal of Mischief. 140 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES A. That they had sent for all the head Warriours of the other Towns and that when they mett together they would Consult about it. Tuesday ^ the i6th day of September 1725. We set away from hence and went to Old Estotoe a large Town and very well ffortifyed all round with Punchins and also ditched on the Outside of the sd Punchins (wch Ditch) is Stuck full of light wood Spikes so that if the Enemy should ever happen to fall therein, they must with- out doubt receive a great deal of Damage by those Spikes. I also Observe that there are Sevl New fRankers made to the ffortificacons of the Town and that the Town house is also Enforted. We returned in the Evening to Noyouwee. Friday the 17th day of September 1725. We set away from Noyouwee and about three of the Clock in the Afternoon we came to Tamausey were ^ we Stayed for some time. We had an Accot that the Scouts being in Number (one hundred) that, went out after the Enemy were returned without any discovery. Saturday the i8th day of September 1725. This day was brougt to me by one of Capt. Hattons Slaves the Young ffrench Fellow that was to have gone down to Charles Town with James Fulton Indian Trader but made his Escape from Keewhohee the Night before. We set away from Tamusey and came to Keewohee. Sunday the igth day of September 172^. Munday the 20th day of September 1725. Set away from hence William Hatton and Henry Guston / Indian Traders in Order for Savanna Town. 1 Thursday. 2 Where. ISO COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOLTJNAL Tuesday the 21 day of September 1725. Went away from hence David Doway Wm. Cooper and one Daniel Kearle a Virginia Trader in Order for Savana Town. Came in here from Togelo parts King Crow who informed us that all was quiet there and that they had not been troubled with the Enemy since we came from thence. Sent the following Letter by John Chester to his Honour the Presidt. May it please your Honour — On Monday the I2th Instant I reed your Letter with a Copy of Capt. Fitches Journal and also his two Letters with one from CoUo. Hastings and also a Copy of the Resolutions of his Majesties Honble Council on Capt. Fitches proceed- ings among the Creeks and I Assure your Honour that Nothing could have happened more to my Satisfaction then to hear that the Creeks have so fairly promised to make Satisfaction for the Injuries they have done us. I was at Tamusey when your Hours Letter came to me and having perused it and the other papers that came therewith I immediatly sent away to Noyouwee and Sumoned all the head men of Togelo parts to meet me where they should Appoint, which was at Togelo. The reason of my going to these parts was because I take the people thereabouts to be the most Turbulent in the Nation and also the most taken Notice of by the other Towns. After the head men had mett together I informed them I had reed Letters from the Governmt wherein I had an Accot that the Creeks had restored Sharps Slaves with some other things and had made the English such Satisfaction that they were Satisfyed therwth at present and withall telling them that the Eng- lish had so much regard for them that they had sent a White Man on purpose to give them an Accot that there was an Army of the Creeks and that the Chactaws had Joined them in Order to come against them, and that it was my Advice to them that they should forthwith raise an 151 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Army of Men in Order to meet their Enemy in the Woods and by that means they would be able to Defeat them. After I had had the foregoing discourse with them they returned the English thanks and Imediatly sent away Messingers from Town to Town in Order to have a Consul- tation about what I had said to them but have not yet heard whither they have mett or what they have Concluded on. All the Towns in these parts are so well Satisfyed that I am well Satisfyed no Indian Enemy will ever Attack them if any of the people are at home, the people in these parts have taken care to send out Scouts and have promised me to keep them out and when the head men have all mett together they intend to see if they can Conclude on raising an Army in Order to goe out to meet their Enemy and say that they are not at all Afraid of them, and that they are Resolved to Defend their Towns to their Utmost, and I am Apprehensive it will be a hard Matter to gett them out of them, to go against their Enemy, but shall Endeavour as much as possible to Encourage them against them and to get them to goe out. Since I have given these people an Accot of their Enemy they have had Several Allarms and are now repairing their Forts in Expectation of them. Soon after the Arrival of your Honours Letter I sent away to Mr. Wigan to give the people on the other side the Hills an Accot of the designed Expedition of the Creeks and Chacktaws and if possible to gett the head Warriour of Tunisee (the Most Noted Man in the Nation) to go out with a body of men and to Acquaint them that the Lower people were very thankfull to the English for giving them an Accot of their Enemies coming against them. I have not yet had an Answer from Wigan nither do I Expect one these Eight days. I have gott the ffrench Man again that I wrote to your Hour about. He was taken up by these people agoing to Terriquo on the other side the hills with some Chickesaws in Order for that Nation. I have taken care to send him to Savanna Town by some of the Traders who are going there. I intend (God willing) after I have reed your Honours Comands by the Indians and have 152 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL Executed them to sett away from hence to Savanna Town in Order to Supervize the Garrison there, an Accot of which as well as all other my proceedings shall be returned to Your Honour by Your Hours Most Obliged humle Servt. P.S. I dont perceive that the people are in the least Surprised at the designs of their Enemy but Seem as Chearfull as can be Expectd. Wednesday the 22d day of September 1725. Thursday the 2jd day of September 172^. Friday the 24th day of September 172^. Nothing happened this three dales but frequent Allarms of the Enemy tho nothing happened on Either Side. Saturday the 25th day of September 1725. Some time this Morning I went to the Fort in this Town which the people by my Orders were repairing and seeing the Work go on but Slowley, I desired to know of the King the reason of it, the Enemy being daily Expected ; He in- formed me that the people would work as they pleased and go to Warr when they pleased, notwithstanding his saying all he could to them, and that they were not like White Men. I then asked him what his head men Signifyed if they would not mind what was said to them. He told me that if they were going to the English they would mind then what was said to them, because they would be then in hopes of having some Cloath given them, but at their return home would soon forgett what the English said to them or what they were to do, He likewise told me it would be good if the English did not give them anything when they go down, because it would not Spoil them, and that they are always wanting to goe down to the English to see what they can get of them. You see (says the King) 153 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES that they'll promise you to go to Warr (but its when they please) and that they will have their own way of Warring and that it would be good if the English would let them alone and see what they will do of themselv's and by that means they may grow better. About four of the Clock in the Afternoon came in the Warr hoop from Ouconey ^ with a peice of a Scalp of one of the Enemies Scouts, giving an Accot that Scouts being in Number Twenty four that went out from old Estotoe, and Toxsoah having come upon the tracts of three of the Enemy found they were made down- wards towards the other Towns (on wch) they Concluded to waylay the Path thinking by that means to Catch the Enemy being three in Number returning back to their old tracts near Estotoe from Town to Town. William The head Warriour of Estotoe fired upon them and killed one of them and another of them Reed two Shotts in his body which they Suppose to be dead, the other made his Escape. Sunday the 26th day of September 1725. Munday the 2ph day of September 172^. Tuesday the 28th day of September 1725. Wednesday the 2gth day of September 1725. Thursday the joth day of September 172^. This five dales the Enemy hath been tracked and Scouts sent out from hence after them tho no Discovery of the Enemy's persons. This Morning came to me Sevl of the head men of the Town Complaining that the Sevl Traders horses are here Continually amongst their Corn and that they have already destroyed a great deal and desiring a Stop might be put to it they not being willing to Shoot any White Mans horse. I told them that the English did not Suffer any such ^ Oconee, a Cherokee village near the site of the present town of Walhalla in Oconee County, South Carolina. 154 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL thing and that if they would Shoot some of their horses they would take more care of them for the future, and that I should Speak to the white Men about it. Friday the ist day of October 172^. Saturday the 2d day of October 172^. Sunday the jd day of October 1725. Munday the 4th day of October 172^. Came in here from the Middle Settlemts of the Upper people Richd. Hasford who informed me that Mr. White according to my Orders had given the Indians in those parts an Accot of the design of their Enemies and that he was a Linguister to the said White and that at Little Terriquo where was mett together at the Corn dance Several of the head men over the hills and also the Major part of the head men of the other Towns in the Upper Settlements who after hearing what Mr. White said to them returned the English thanks and sayed that they always found the English their Brothers and Especially at that time and that they would forthwith send out Scouts to make what discovery of the Enemy they could. The said Hasford likewise gave me an Accot that since my being over the Hills [t]here went out of Great Terriquo four Young Lads two of which went into the Corn ffields of the Cowsaw people and that the other two Stayed in the Woods, that one of the two that went into the Corn ffields Shot two Cowsaw Women and brougt their Scalps into the said Terriquo and that they had been out fifteen dales. Reed by the hands of the said Hasford the following Letter from Mr. Eleazer Wigan, Linguister over the Hills. September the 25th 1725. HoNRD Sr : Your Letters one dated the 13th and the other the 15th [were delivered] by Mr. White on the 23d Instant, and Immediatly [I] had all the Warriours of the Towns on this L IS5 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES side the hills together at Terriquo where I delivered your Honrs Message to them in Publick and likewise [to] the long Warriour in Private, in the first place they return the Govern[or] thanks, and as he has thougt by his sending them word of it that they should fight them, that they are resolved so to do, and the Method they design to take is for to lett them come to their Towns, but not undiscovered, for they design to keep out lookouts every way and be ready to give them a Smash in their Towns First and then to gather all their Strength and follow them when they are upon their retreat with their Wounded men, and the Long Warriour would have the people in those parts do the same and dont lett them goe away and not follow them as they have always done. I shall write to your Honrs in three or four dales time again and til then I am Your Honrs Most Obedt humble Servt. Eleazer Wigan. Tuesday the ^th day of October 1725. Wednesday the 6th day of October 172^. I went this Morning to the Town house and gave the King and head men an Accot of the Message I had reed from the Upper people in relation to their Enemies coming against them and their Method to prevent their being Sur- prized. The King in Answer said that they were thankfuU to the English for taking so much care of them and that they would take care to keep out Scouts and that the Upper people might take their own Method as they would theirs. Thursday the 7th day of October 172^. Friday the 8th day of October 1725. ' The King came to me at Night with a Linguister and by him informed me that there was four Chickesaws come in this Evening with a Message from their people as follows — That this is the first Message from them and that they may 156 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL Expect another and that soon after they may Expect a body of the Chickesaws In at Terriquo to Joyn the people In those Parts some time in the Spring In Order to goe against Okefuskee ^ and Cusetaw - Towns in the Creek Nation and that they would send down to their people in this Town to joyn a body of these lower people and to go in a body against the aforesd Towns and that they would not have any White Men to know It fearing It might come to the Knowl- edge of the Southward people. The King likewise told me that he thought it was good for me to know this Message because I could tell him then my Opinion of it. After the King had done Speaking I Inform'd him that he very well know'd the Chickesaws never came Amongst them without they brougt some Story or another and that I should be glad if they would make their words good In Joyning these people and going against the aforesd Towns but that I very much feared, and that We had not so much Value for the Southward people as to give any Accot of their design as We had done them. Saturday the gth day of October 1725. Sent by Richd. Hasford a Letter to John Sharp desiring him to give the people in Togelo parts a Charge abt repair- ing their Forts and keeping out Scouts and also to inform them of the Message I had received from the Upper people in relation to their Enemies, as is Expressed in a Letter which I Reed from Mr. Wigan the 4th Instant. Sunday the loth day of October 1725. Munday the 11 day of October 172^, Tuesday the 12 day of October 1725. \ Sent the following Order to the Sevel White Men in the Nation. "^ Oakfuskee, an Upper Creek town on the upper Tallapoosa River. 2 Kashlta, a Lower Creek town, on the Chattahoochee River. 157 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES To all White men Traders and Men in the Cherokee Nation : Having had Several Complts to me and Especially by the head Man of Tamusey that the Several White Men there without any Manner of regard to the ffriendship betwixt us and the Cherokees do Suffer their Several horses to destroy and eat up their Corn which is Contrary to our good Will towards them. These are therefore to Charge and Cornand all White men as aforesd not to Suffer or Comitt such ill practices for the future, having given the Indians a particular Charge to Shoot any Such Horsses as may at any time hereafter be seen in their Cornfields destroying their Corn or doing them any such damages as they have heretofore done. Given under my hand at Keewohee this 12th day of October 1725. Came in here from Great Terriquo Ja : Millikin Indian Trader who Informed me that the person (who lately brougt into the saidTown two Womens Scalps) with Eight more were gone out to Warr agt the Upper Creeks and that they had been out Six dales and that they were to return in Twenty dales from their sitting out. He likewise gave us an Accot that their Conjurer had given them Assurance of Success. I must remark that this is the Town that the Cowsaw fellow was reed in by the head Warriour there and by no other of the Town and I am very well Satisfyed that, that Town would never come into a peace (Assurance of wch) We have had since we have been here by their going out to Warr daily against the Creeks. Wednesday the ijth of October 172$. This Morning I reed the following Letter from his Honr the Presidt together with Sevl other Letters by one of the Indians runners who I sent down to the Governmt and who had left the rest abt 30 Miles off", there being one of them Sick and travilled all Night in Order to gett in this Morning. 158 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL September the i8th 1725. Sir — I have reed Your Packett dated the 30th of August 1725 by the four Indians you sent wth it and I Assure You I am very well pleased wth the Accot you give of Our Affairs amongst the Cherokees I doubt not but you have reed long before this the Packett I sent You by Chester, in which you are fully Informed of all that has past Amongst the Creeks and Afterwards here by his Majties Council, the Chief thing that now wants to be regulated amongst the Cherokees is the Indian Traders and we Approve very much of the Method you propose and we shall press it Close to the Assembly when they meet and in the Mean time things must lye as they are only on your leaving that Nation, that you give Express Orders to the Traders to Comply with the Trading Act. The Assembly Stands prorogued til the 1 2th of October and as I dont see that You can be of any further Service amongst those Indians for the present so I think it Advisable that you come down in Order to be in the house to press forward the regulations you propose. I believe I shall prorogue the Assembly for five or Six days ! longer and by that time you may be down but if you return by way of Savanna Town I shan't Expect you so soon, I would have sent the Coats etc. you wrote for but have not I time but they shall be sent up to the head men you Mention. Since you left us We have had here thirty Spaniards from St. Augustine there Errand was about the ffort on Allata- maha ^ river and to settle the two bounds of the Governmt. But as we have never reed any Orders from home abt it So they are returned as they came. I did give Hatton and Sharp leave to Carry up their ' Indians fellows, not Apprehending nor yet indeed that, j that part of the Law was intended against any but those ' that went up to the Savanno ^ and Allatamahaw Rivers, or Negros by Land and not agt Indian Slaves with their Masters. If it is otherwise it is my fault and not theirs and I must take the blame from them but I am well Assured ^ Altamaha. 2 Savannah. IS9 # it TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES I am in the right. Wee are very barren of News not having a Vessell from England since You left us but are in hourly Expectations of two or three from London. We have had a fine Summer and now as fine harvest weather as ever was known and the Crops a getting in a pace. You will receive Letters from Mrs. Chicken so I need not say any- thing of your Family. Mrs. Middleton Joins with me in Our best respects, and I am Sir, Your very humble Servt Ar. Middleton. P.S. At the same time that I sent Chester up to you I dis- patched Another up to the Creeks to Mr. Fitch but have not heard from thence Since. Came in this day from Savanna Town Capt. Wm. Hatton, Mr. Wm. Cooper, David Doway, Henry Guston and one Daniel Kearl, a Virginia Trader. Thursday the nth day of October 1725. About Twelve of the Clock at Night came in the Warr hoop giving an Accot that Six of the Southward people had fallen on Camp of the Chickesaws abt five Miles off who went out in the Catawba pathe the 13th Instant in Order to hunt and that they had killed a Chicksaw Man and wounded two Women of these people who were agoing with the said Chjickesaws. Immediately the Town sent out a party of men After the Enemy and went to the Camp where the Chickesaws had taken up, and found one of them dead and two Women of their own people Wounded. The party that went out of the Town followed the Enemy all the remaining part of the Night and some part of the day following but finding the Enemy were gone too farr to be Overtaken they returned home. Came in here from Toogelo parts Rlchd Hasford who gave us an Accot that there had been four of the Enemy 160 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL who went in the dead of Night to the Out Fortification of Estotoe old Town (three of wch) fired against the sd Forti- fication and made of[f] from the said Town. Immediatly the people of the Town went after the Enemy but could not come up with them, so returned home. I must take Notice that these people have been very brisk agt their Enemy and have never failed of making all the discoveries they could by sending out Scouts. Friday the iph day of October 172 ^. Saturday the i6th day of October 1725. Sunday the iph day of October 1725. Munday the i8th day of October 172$. The King and head men of the Town hearing of my Departure from their Nation this day mett together and after a Consultation among themselv's they sent for me to meet them at a New House they had built and then they Appointed their head Warriour to Speak for them as ffoUows : \st. That they was very glad I was amongst them to do good for the whole Nation and that they'll always be good to the English, and that they should never find them rogues. I Answered that I had found them good to the English since I had been amongst them and before and that they had Ussed me wth a great deal of Civillity and that what- ever they had sayed to me, I had sent down to the English and had heard from them again and that I hoped they would mind what I had sayed to them, because it was for their good and to keep a good Understanding between them and the English who they might always depend would show themselv's as Brothers. 2d. That they are very thankfuU to the English Gover- nour for sending up a Streigt talk to them, and that they are well pleased with it and that they hoped there would be no Stories told the English for the future about them. I Answer'd it was very well and that I should tell the English their Brothers how they had behaved themselv's 161 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES since my Stay amongst them and that now I had given them the Streight talk from the English and that I did not doubt but that [they] would be a good people for the future if they would but take Notice of what I had sayed to them for their good. I likewise gave them in Charge that when any thing happened amongst them that the English should know of, that they would be first sure it was truth and then to send us word by two or three of their head men and by no other because they are the persons we take most Notice of. I inform'd them that they might depend the English would always take care to give them Intelligence of the design of their Enemies when ever they had any Notice of it, and that we should never take so much Care of any other Indians because We have not so much Vallue for them. 3 J. That I was not come amongst them to Trade but to give them the Streight talk in Order to make them a good people and to have a good ffriendship between them and us, and that if ever they were Misused by any of the White Men amongst them that they must Complain to the Lin- guisr that the English might hear of it and do them Justice. I likewise told them that We Expected that whenever they had any thoughts of making a peace with their Enemies that the English should hear of it before they did any Such thing, because they would undertake to bring it about the best way for them and most for their good, and that it was the Promise of all the head men that were down when the English Gover[no]r first came in. A. That if any Indians should come to them for a peace that they'll take care to let the English know it according to their Promise. Tuesday the igth day of October 172^. [I] gave the following Order to Joseph Cooper Linguister on Alexr. Parris Esq. Treasurer : Sir — Please to pay to Joseph Cooper or Order on demand The Sum of Twenty ffive pounds being for his trouble as one of 162 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL the Linguisrs to me in the Cherokee Nation and place it to the Publicks Accot of moneys reed by Virtue of the Indian Trading Act, as the said Act directs. I am Sr Your Most humble Servt. To the Honble Alexr. Parris Esq. Publick Treasurer. Gave the following permission to Mr. John Savey. To Mr. John Savey, You are hereby permitted to trade on behalf of Mr. David Doway and Mr. Andrew White according to the Lycence and Instructions of the sd Doway and White and the Law now in being for the better regulation of the Indian Trade, the said White having Entred into bond to take out a Lycence for you in June next Ensueing from the date hereof and also for your good behaviour. Given under my hand and the Seal of the Office for the better regulation of the Indian Trade this 19th day of October 1725- Sent the following Letter to Mr. Eleazer Wigan, Lin- guister on the other Side the hills. Mr. Wigan — Since my last to you I have had Advices from the Settlemt and having finished all Matters in this Nation I intend to take my Departure on Sunday next. The reason of my sending this to you is to desire you'll Slip no Opportunity in Acquainting me with the Motions of the Indians in your parts and that you take great care that you do not Acquaint me with anything but what you are first Assured is truth, You very well knowing how we have heretofore been Amussed with fallcities and what Charge the Country hath been at to set those Stories in a true light. I would have you Consult the long Warriour in all Affairs wch may relate to the Indians beleiving him to be a true 163 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES ffriend to us for which reason we cannot too much Esteem him. You may tell him of my hearing from the Governent and that I have nothing further to Offer to these people having Already said what was delivered to me from the Governmt to them and what I have thougt for their good to make them a People and I hope they'll mind and follow what Methods I have laid before them for that purpose. In my last to you I have given you an Accot of some Affairs among the Creeks which I hope you have Interpreted to them, and told them that it is now with the Creeks and us as it was before, they having given us such Satisfaction as We are Satisfyed with at Present, as I told them it would be at the General Meeting. You may Inform the Long Warriour that the English would have sent him a present but that they could not gett what they designed for him ready before the Indians came away and that altho he hath it not yet, I shall take care that it Shall be sent him when ever I get down and have an Opportunity. I have had an Accot from Savanna Town that the Woman that came here along with the French Man was run away with by him. She's a Chachama Woman and is a Slave to the Coinander of the Garrison there, and I beleive She's some where in your parts so that you must Speak to the Warriours to have her Secured and I desire if they gett her that you'll send her down to Mr. Doway who has promised me to Convey her to the Owner by the first Opportunity. I cannot too much Caution you of letting me know the truth of all Affairs among these people (You being on Oath) the Nature of which I hope you are not unacquainted with. I shall take care to represent to the Country your Trouble as Linguister to me and as I cannot but beleive you have been and may be of Service so you need not doubt but on a true representation of yr Care and Fidellity to them that they'll readily requite you. I have nothing further to Offer only to desire that you'l take care that the people in Your parts do Nothing of Moment relating to sending to the Governmt without first Consulting these lower people and I have already given 164 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL them the like Charge and I cannot but take Notice that We have been too much Imposed upon by their sending down those that are not leading men and who the people take very little Notice of, when We send up any business to the rest of the Nation, and when its delivered by them. I wish you health and Success in all Affairs. And am Your Assured ffriend. Wednesday the 20th day of October 1725. I set away from Keewohee having finished all Matters in the Upper and Lower Towns of the Cherokees and having Crossed the River the King drew up the Men in his Town and then made them fire a Volley as did the Several White men in the Town. Tuesday the 26th day of October 1725. We arrived at Savanna Town after Seven dales travilling from the Cherokees. Thursday the 28th day of October 1725. I proceeded to Supervise the Garrison and Accordingly gave Orders to the Cofhandr to Render an Accot of the Stores together with a Muster roll of the Men under his Comand.^ About Ten of the Clock this Morning We had an Accot by the Chickesaws that one of their people was killed by four of the Creeks at the Dividing paths being about thirty Miles from Savanna Town. Friday the 2Qth day of October 172^. The Petition of John Hows, to me directed, praying to have Access to the Garrison, he being of late debarred the same, and that he may be Allowed Some Provlsslons from the ^ Fort Moore was built primarily for the protection of Indian trade and placed under the jurisdiction of the Indian Commis- sioner. i6s TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES said Garrison, he having Nothing to Subsist himself withall and being ready to Starve. And having Considered the said Petition and the Circumstance of the said Hows and that he hath been a Man, who hath Appeared well in the World, tho' now rendered Uncapable of getting his bread, by reason of his Advanced Age and Sickness I thougt fitt to give the Comander of the sd Garrison the following Order on behalf of the Petitioner. By etca. To Major David Durham Comander of Fort Moore. You are hereby Ordered to Supply Mr. John Hows with the same Allowance of Provissions as the Several Men under your Comand have at this Present time and likewise to lett him have Access to your Garrison til such time you have Orders from the Governmt to the Contrary. Given under my hand and Seal this 29th day of October Annoq. Dom. 1725. The Comander renders an Accot of the Sevl Stores in the Garrison together with a Muster roll of the Men under his Comand wch were both Signed by the said Comander. Report on the Garrison. On Viewing the Garrison both within and without I find it to be in very good repair and that there is nothing wanting to be done thereto only Two Sheds to be repaired which are over two of the fHankers for wch they have provided Materialls in Order to repair them. On Viewing the Several Stores in the Garrison I find that there's the Particulars as per a List delivered to me by the Corhander and that they are in the Condition and Order as is therein Mentioned. The Comander Informs me that they have Corn Sufii- cient to Supply the Garrison for the Ensueing Year which is not yet gath'red. I must take Notice that by Articles of Agreemt between 166 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL Alexr. Parris Esq. and Capt. Charlesworth Glover that the said Glover is Obliged to furnish the Garrison for one Year from the date of the said Articles and that the Comander can't refuse the whole Years provissions in Case its Tendered by the said Glover to the Comander tho' at the same time the said Glover is not Obliged to Cure the sd Provissions, neither have they Salt at the Garrison to Cure it themselv's which is very much Wanted at this time being the Properest Season to kill meat for the Garrison. The Several men being under Arms I had them called Over by the Muster Roll and found there was the full Complimt and that they were all Able men and fitt for Service, and that there Armes were in good Order. By etca. Additional Instructions to he Observed by the Comander of the time being of Fort Moore. First. You are on Application made to you by any Principal Trader to Endorse on the back of their Lycences any one or more Packhorse Men Provided they make Oath that any person or persons who were Inserted or Indorsed in any of their Lycences at the time of their taking it out, have run away from them and that they cannot be without them or may be Sufferers by the Want of such men and provided also they give Security for the behaviour of such Packhorsemen dureing their Stay in the Indian Country and the Names of such Packhorse Men You are as Soon as possible to return to me or the Comissrs of the Indian Trade for the time being. And in Case any Trader should Apply to you for an Additional Packhorseman You are to insert one for such Trader Provided he hath not more then is Allowed by the Indian Trading Law and that he pay to you the Sum of ten pounds for the Use of the Country as the Law requires for the Endorsemt of such Packhorsemen and Enter into Bond to his Majesty for his good behaviour. Second. You are from time to time, as you shall see Occasion, to repair your Garrison both within and without and as the Sevl Punchins on the Outside decay's You are 167 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES to take care that there be New Ones to Supply those that are Decayed. Third. In Case any Trader should have the Misfortune of bad Weather Whereby their goods or Skines may be damaged in Crossing the River You are to give them all the Assistance you can for the better preservation of their goods or Skines as aforesd. Given under my hand and Seal this 30th day of October 1725. The foregoing Instructions were then Signed and Delivered to the Cofhander together with a Copy of the Order in rela- tion to Mr. Hows. I thougt fitt to send the following Letter to Capt. Fitch by the hands of Florence Mahoney Indian Trader. S[l]R - On Thursday the 28th Instant We heard by the Chicke- saws here that the Cowetaws have killed one of their people between the Dividing paths and Rosemary Branches and by what little discourse I have had with them Concerning it I find that their Inclinations are to retalliate the Creeks for it, So that I hope you'l take care that none of the South- ward people come this way without they are resolved to Stand to the design of the Chickesaws and I hope you'll take care if there's any comes along with you to give them Notice of what I have writt You and to be very Cautious yourself, beleiving that if they have any Opportunity they'll treat You after the same Manner as the Southward people. I am heartily glad to hear of your Success in Your Nego- tiations and in a short time I dont doubt but to have the pleasure of seeing You, in the Interim I remain Your very humble Servant. The Squiril King with three head Warriours of the Chicke- saws desiring to talk with me they accordingly came this Afternoon and then I proceeded to tell them as follows. 168 COLONEL CHICiOEN'S JOURNAL Elias Thomas, Linqulsr. That they knew I came here once a Year in Order to regulate the Affairs of the Indians and that if they had any thing to say to me I was then ready to hear them. And then the King Spoak as follows : That they have heard the Talk of the White people for this many Years and that they have been down to the Eng- lish Sevl times and heard the talk there and that they desire always to be at peace wth the White people and desire to have their own way and to take revenge of the red people and that it was their Young people that first broak out Warr with the White people. I desired to know of them what Young people it was that broak out the Warr wth the White people. They desired to know the reason of my Asking them a thing that past so long agoe. I Answered them Angerly that it was a thing Still always a passing among them. They Answered that there was Young men among them that were always playing the Rogue and that they could not help it. And as to the Creeks they always thougt that they were their Youngest Brothers, and that now they are daily kill- ing of them and that they intend to take their revenge and hope the White people will not take it at heart. I Answered that We beleive them to be Our ffriends but that I did not know how the Creeks or Cherekees could take them for theirs when some of them were fitting ^ for the One and some for the other and have no Settlemt of them- selv's nor will not Settle any where in a body Notwithstand- ing they had so often promised the English that they would (which if they did) they then might Expect protection from us, and that While they are as they are we could take them to be no more then Wild Wolves in the Woods Seeking their prey and that We could not mind them any longer then we were talking to them nor could not tell where to find them. ^ Fighting. 169 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES They Answered that for the future they'd mind what the White people says to them and that they'll look out for a good place to Settle all together and that there Is three or four old men among them that would make the Young men mind them for the future. I then desired to know of them whether they could not think of a place themselv's to Settle on, on the other side the river and not to disturb our Stock as they daily did on this side the river and that we Expected when any Complts^ is made to any of their headmen by any white man of any Damage done to the English by any of their Young men that they should Cause them that did the Mischief to make Satisfaction and to punish them in the presence of those that were damaged which would give us Assurances of their desire to be in ffriendship with the English, and that the Complt to be made to the Chief man of the White men that's in being and that if they are Nigh the Garrison that they bring the Offender to the Comander and that in Case any of the White men do them any damage that they Im- mediatly make Complt to the next White man they see, but if they are near the Garrison they are to Complain to the Comander and that they might Expect Justice done them in Order to keep a good Understanding between them and us and that we Expected the same from them. That in Case they go on this side the river to hunt that they first come to the Comander to ask liberty and that they Acquaint him how many they are in Number, how long they intend to hunt, and at what place and to come to him at their return and to let him know if they are all returned or not, and that We Expected it from the head men of the Gang that were going to hunt and that the King be Answer- able for them all if there's an[y] Damage done by any of them. A. That they have heard what I had say'd to them and that when there people meets together they'll tell it to them and that they are very willing to keep Settled where they are, but that when they make any Corn the Packhorses get ^ Complaints. 170 COLONEL CHICKEN'S JOURNAL among it and eat it and that if all their people that are abroad would Settle Among them, that they would leave one half of their people at home to take care of their Women and Children and the other half might be out a hunting. I Answered. That if any of the Traders Packhorses gott among their Corn and Destroy[ed] it that they should Imme- diatly Complain to the Comander of the Garrison who on hearing the Complt and finding it to be true would Order Satisfaction to be made them by the White Man that owned the horses, and that if any of their people should meet with any White Mans Horse in the Woods that they should not Meddle with them wthout Orders from the White man, and that in Case we found it Otherwise, that We should Expect Satisfaction from their King and that he'll take care to have the Offender punished and that in Case any of them Should take up Slaves that they are to bring them to the Comander of the Garrison and deliver them to him. And that they would be paid for so doing. That the reason of my giving them such Cautions was because I was last Year an Eye Witness to some of the faults of their people, having found out One of them who Stole a horse and Saddle which I took from them at the Pallacholas on wch a White man went out upon, but was never since heard of and having had an Accot of some of them breaking open a White Mans Store at the Oconeys as also Sevl other Crimes done at other places which we were sure was done by their people. A. That if their Young Men were drunk and Mad that they could not help it but that they'll take care for the future and keep them in Awe. Q. What do you design to do with the Creeks if you meet them .? A. That they have lost Seven Men since the last Corn was planted between the Savanna Town and the Oconeys, and that if they meet with any of the Creeks in the path and find them too strong for them, that they'll be Ifriends wth them, but that if they meet any in the Woods and M 171 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES think they can Manage them that they will Serve them as they Served their People. I Answered. That as they pretend to be ffriends to the English, and say that whereever they found an Advantage they would kill the Creeks That we daily have and Should have White men coming down from the Creeks where there might be two or three or more of them along with the White Men that we Expected they would take care that none of their people Should Mollest any of the Indians that might at any time come down or go up with any of the White people. A. That they know the White people Carry hunters along with them to keep them from hunger and that they had as good kill the White people as their Hunters. I then told them that if they did we Should know it and that we should deem it as bad a Crime as that if they should kill any White People. A. That if they found there was any hunters along with the White People that they would not hurt them, but if they mett any of the Creeks in the Woods by themselves they knowed what to do with them. Sunday the 31st day of October 1725. Wee set away from Savanna Town and on Wednesday the 3d day of Novr We Arrived at Goose Creek. Geo : Chicken. 172 CAPTAIN FITCH'S JOURNAL TO THE CREEKS, 1725 ,f If: ku INTRODUCTION The Creek Indians, at the time of Captain Fitch's mission, were settled chiefly in the region extending west by north from the middle and upper Chattahoochee River to the west border of Alabama. To the north and northeast of them were the Cherokees ; to the northwest, the Chickasaws ; and to the west and southwest, the Choctaws. Those in the region of the Coosa and Tallapoosa rivers were known as the Upper Creeks and those on the Chattahoochee as the Lower Creeks. The English at Charleston established a trade with the Creeks even earlier than with the Cherokees. But in 17 14 the French built Fort Toulouse at the confluence of the Coosa and Tallapoosa. The Creeks thereupon began to trade with the French and although they continued to deal with English traders they assumed toward them an independent and often insolent attitude. President Middleton sent Captain Fitch to counteract French influence and to exact proper treatment of English traders. The Creek-Chickasaw trail ran northerly from Charleston to Dorchester, thence west by north to Fort Moore, westerly across the Ogeechee, Oconee, Ocmulgee, Flint, and Chattahoochee rivers, and again west by north from the Chattahoochee to Oakfuskee on the Tallapoosa. Little is known of Captain Fitch prior to his discharge of this mission. He succeeded Colonel Chicken as Indian Commissioner and held that post in 173 3-1734. In the latter year he was appointed a justice of the peace in Berkeley County. There is a manuscript copy of his Journal in the Public Record Office, London : C. O. 5, 12, ff. 35-55, and a tran- script made from this is in the Library of Congress. 17s TOBIAS FITCH'S JOURNAL TO THE CREEKS After a hard and Tiresome Journey I Arrived at the Oakefusky Town ^ in the upper Tallapoop's ' being 17 days in my Journey there. I Arived Jully the gth and was Re- ceived with a great many Serimoneys ; The King of the said Town Takeing me by the hand Lead me To a house Where were Sitting all the head men of the Several Towns there about ; And after passing Some Complements there was Some fowls Brought in and Set Before me ; And Befor I was Suffered to Eat the King Made The Following Speach : " I am Glad to see you here In my Town But I am Sory that I Cannot Entertain you With Such as I am Entertained When I go Down to your Great Town ; But I hope you will Except of Such as I have and you are very Welcom to it." My answer That ordinary Fair from On[e] Who is a Freind and has a Strieght heart is more Welcome To me then Greater Dainteys from On[e] Who profest Freindship To my Face But in his heart was my Enemys. On Sunday The 11 Jully the sd King Summonds all his head men To Meet and made the Following Speach : "Here is a Beloved man Come from the great King of the English and [we] must all provide for him that he may not Want any thing that our Town Can Supplye him with For When I was in his Town they did not think anything Too good for me ; I do not Know the Reason of Our Treating White men as we do : For Mally ^ When any Beloved Man ^ Oakfuskee, the principal town of the Upper Creeks, was situated on the west bank of Tallapoosa River, four miles below the mouth of Elkhatchee Creek, in Tallapoosa County, Alabama. ^ The Upper Tallapoops were the Creeks inhabiting the region of Upper Tallapoosa River. ^ Formerly. 176 TOBIAS FITCH'S JOURNAL [came] To us we used to go with [him] Wherever he went But now We act like Women more than Head Men ; Therefore I hope you wil Take Notice of What I have Said To you and Check This Slight that Two many of you Sho the White men ; before It becomes a Coustom to you." On Munday the 12th I Tould the King To send for all the Kings and Principale Men belonging To the Abecas ^ and Tallopoops To met me in Eight days at your house and then [I] shall Deliver to them a great Talk that I have Brought up from my great King and Beloved Men Which was Imediatly don. On Friday the Sixteenth I went To a Town Called the Oakechoys ^ Where I was very well Received and after being Intertained With the Best that his Town afoard ; He Told the Lingister he had Somthing To Say unto me I answered him I was Ready To here anything That he had To say ; he then Brought a boundale of Dear Skins and throwed them befor me and gave The following Talk : "I am a True Freind to the English and always have Behaved my Self as such and I Find that When any of our People goes To your Great King That they Receive presents ; I have not such Presents to give as we Receive from you But hope you wil except of Such as I have and through ^ I never was Down to see your great King Yet I am as Streight hearted as the Best of them that has been Down ; for I do not find that the Talk your great King gives them Lastes any Longer than the present he maks them. As soon as the Present is wore out the Talk is forgotten." Answer. "I am Sent here from my great King To know how ^ among you is his Freind and how ^ is not ; You Say that you are a Freind, I hope I will find you So ; But as To your present I must Tell you That my Great King did not Send me here to get presents neithere do I vont ^ them. I ^ The Abecas, or Abihkas, were Upper Creeks inhabiting a town on or near the Upper Coosa River. 2 Okchayi was an Upper Creek town on Oktchayi (now Kialaga) Creek, in the southeastern part of Coosa County, Alabama. 3 Though. 4 Who. 5 Want. 177 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES ame Come To see my Kings Freinds and To know Who they be for as you say that your People minds my Kings Talk no longer then the presents last I Belive its very True and its for that Reason that I am Sent among You ; For When your People are with my King they Tell Him that they are his Good Freinds as you Tell me now You are. But when they Come here the[y] Never Mind What They promise To my King When they are with him." On Tusday the 20th According to appointment there Met at the Oakefusk'y Town 60 head men Representing Twenty Towns of the Abecas and upper Tallapoop's. Answer. "We are all met According to your orders and are now Ready to here What you have to say to us; we have Bin a long Time Threatned with a Talk to be sent among us But its not Comeing after so many promisses we had Now given over Expecting any ; But we [are] heartely Glad to see you on our Land and very ThankfuU to your Great King for Takeing Such Care of us, as to Send on[e] of his Beloved men To see us, You being the first White man That We have Seen Sent among us Since the peace was Made Through ^ we have Been often Threatned." Answer. "I am very Glad to See you met According to appointment In order to here the great Talk That my Great King has sent To you by me." I then proceeded with the part Of my Instructions Where I was Directed To Demand Satisfaction for the Roberry Don Mr. Sharp at the Chero- key's and with the Following addition : Pointing To Gogell Ey's Told him : "you pretend To Ex- cuse that Rogus Action of yours that you was guilty off at the Cherokeys By Saying it was Don Rashly by the young people, But that Excuse will not do With our King for you are a man in years and ought To know better and Since you was the head of them People you Should have prevented thir Rogush proceedings. But you are So farr from Doeing that; That you Imbrace every oppertunity you have of doing us all the prejudice you Can and I Look upon you to be ^ Though. 178 TOBIAS FITCH'S JOURNAL Such a Freind To the English That you had ane Opportunity you would now Serve me as you did the White man at the Cherokeys ; But had that White man adyed ^ with the Wound that you gave him I do assure you That my King Would Requir no less Satisfaction Then Your Life and the Lives of all the head Men that was With [you] ; and if your people should have Denied to Deliver you up Then my King Would have took Satisfaction with the Mussells of their Guns. But Since the man That you wounded is like to do well my King is so good as to be Content With your makeing Satisfaction for the Goods Taken away and your Sincear promisses Never to be guilty of the Like again. If we Should met any of your People from thir Towns, Plunder Them of there Skins, Kill or Wound your People, Could you then Think us To be your Freinds ? I Belive not, yet this your People have don to us and at the Same Time Call themselves Freinds. But my King do not understand Such Freindship as that." Gogell Eys Answer. *'I was at the first makeing a Peace with the English and have always Behaved my Self Like a freind, I Went Down To Warr against the Yeamases ^ in Behalf of the English and I have Now Been at warr against the Cherokeys and What you have s[ai]d against the White man is very True. I was not with my people when they Begun to Plunder the White man through I was thire head and When I found What they had Don I Thought that as there was a Breach made it Could not be Recalled and I did take Some of the Remains of The Goods For Which I am heartily Sory and will willingly Pay you for the Same and I do promise before you and The head Men that are here Present That I never Will be guilty of the Like Action While I Live. There is now in Our 1 Died. 2 Yamasees, who in 171 5 effected a general massacre of English traders and settlers on the Carolina frontier, and subsequently, as allies of the Spaniards, continued in active hostility against the English. 179 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Possession The Woman and her Children That We took from the White man which you may have and his Best Case of Pistoolls. But as for the Rest Off the Goods they are Cut and Distributed that we Cannot Return them any othere ways than by paying For them in Skins." Then Spoke the Oakechoye ^ Capt, by order of the Whole Body: "Since he that was at the head of that Mischieff that Happen'd at the Cherokeys has made so frank a Confession and has promised a Better Behaviour for the Time to Come We will all Contribute To paying of the White man for his Goods. But that this is not a Time of year To pay Debts in For there is not Skins in the Whole Nation To pay Half the Debt But by the Next Spring every on of them Shall be paid Into any hands You will order us." " Since it is so with you I will Stay Till the Time you pro- pose, you Delivering me now the Slaves and Pistools. But then you must rember ^ that if you are not Punctual To the Promise you make me How that then all this Talk is To No Purpose and I am of oppinnion That our King will look On you as Enemies and Treat you as such whereever He Metts You." Hopeya-ha-chey Being appointed To Receive the Skins Declairs that, "When the Time Drawes near if you do not make Preparation, To pay in the Skins you now promise That I wil then goe Down to the English and let him know it And he may do with you as he thinks fit." I then Proceeded To that part [of] my Instructions Relateing To a Peace With the Cherokeys etc. Hobyhawchey [said] : "The Reason that I did not Send Down To your great King According to my Promise to him When I was Down To sue For a Peace with the Cherokeys Was that at my Return home I Summon'd my People Together And thought To have Consulted them According to your Kings Orders, but Before I Could get them To me[e]t The News Came in of what was Don to the White man 1 Okchayi. ^ Remember. i8o TOBIAS FITCH'S JOURNAL at the Cherokeys. I then Thought [it] Needless To Send Down to your King for I Expected Nothing Less then a Warr. But as for a Peace With the Chericeys ^ at this Time we have no thought They haveing Latly Killed Several of the Leading Men of Our Nation; and till we have had Satisfaction We will heare of No peace ; But as soon as our Corn is hard We Designe to be with them and after our Return if your King Will undertake To make a peace for us We will Readylie Except of it." I then proceeded to that part of [my] Instruction Relateing to the amunition That Lies at Savana Town ^ and Designed For the Tallapoops That went against them Yamasses. Tickhoneby Answers : "We never heared of any amunition For us only once Actcedentaly and then we answered Coll Heastins ^ and he Told us there was Non for us ; Since That we never thought no more of it, had we knowen of any amunition Being there We should [have] Brought it Long agoe." Ane Addition To Instructions. "I must tell your Young Men that if it had not Been for us, you would not have knowen how to Warr Nor yet Have anything To Warr with. You have had nothing But Boes and Arrow's To kill Dear ; You had no hoes or Axes then What you made of Stone. You wore nothing But Skins; But now you have Learn'd the use of Firearm's As well to Kill Dear andotherProvissionsasTo War agst Your Enemies And yet you Set no greater Value on us who have Been Such good Friends unto you, Then on yr greatest Enemies this all you that are old men knowes to be True. And I would have you make your young men Sensable of it." ^ Cherokees. 2 Fort Moore, or Savannah Town, South Carolina, on the Savannah River six miles below Augusta, Georgia. ^ Colonel Theophilus Hastings commanded in 1715 a company of North Carolina militia sent to aid- South Carolina against the Indians. In 1716 he was the principal factor of the North Carolina Indian trade. 181 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES I then proceeded to the Lower people and Summons'd them To meet me On Munday the Second of August and accordingly the[y] Met, There being present old Brunnis and 45 head Men Who were all the principale head men of the Lower Creekes ; I then Delivered the Talk in Relation to ther head Men Not paying their Respect To this Govern- ment, of their Being Desireous of other Trade Then what they had from this Government and all Maters Else Con- tained in my Instructions etca.. Only Omiting that part Where the Tallapoopes did not agree to a Peace With the Cherekeys but I Tould them how far The upper people had Concur'd with it. Oald Brimins answers : " The Tallapoop's and Abecas may do As they please But we have Nothing of Makeing a peace with The Cherokeys. For them men that was killed by the Cherokeys of Mine When the White people were there is not over w[it]h Me as yet, nor never shall be While there is a Cowwataid ^ Liveing. )> Ane Addition to my Instructions. "I am Informed that Some of You have Threatned Tickhonebys Life for goeing to warr against the Yamasses and there Killing On of your Freinds. I must tell you that Tickhonebey was Sent There by our King To Warr against his Enemies and if your Freinds will keep Company with our Enemies I know not how our king Can do to have Yamasses- Killed, for as Shure as we Kill A Yamassee, he has a Relation or freind amonge The Creek's ; Therefore Tickhonebe has- Dun very will in Following Our kings orders and if you want Satisfaction It's of Our king that [you] must Seek it, and Since I am here I am Ready To answer every thing That my King has ordered Tickoneby to do or any person alse ^" and I desire The man that Vants Satisfaction for the Death of a Yamasse Would now Speak and then I am Shure to know my Freind That Loves the Yamasses so wel. Dont you know very well that our King has offered them Yamasses To make ^ Lower Creek. ^ Else. 182 TOBL\S FITCH'S JOURNAL a peace with them and they would not ? But why was it ? Because the[y] knew they had you to uphold them. But I do assure you that our King is a weary of this unserton peace. I therefore must know how ^ amongst you is our Freind's and Who is not. These Belowed ^ Freinds of Yours, the Yamasess, you will find befor I goe from hence it Will appear they are the people that have Latly Killed your very Good Freinds as well as ours and so have Lead it on the Floradays. I shal not say much To you about them lest You Should Think that I do it to sett you against them. Through I have heared a great Deal of that affair Since I have Been here, but I leave that To your own Selves To find out. Being Well asshured you will soon do it," Oald Brimins answer. "There is a great many Storys Come into this Nation but from Whence they come I Can not Tell. Somtimes I here that Your King is Joyning the Te and Coming To Cut us of[f]. We that are head men give no Credit to these Storys But The Young Men may belive them for What I know and Likewise add to them. But I do now assure you in behalf of these head men that I have [heard] nothing of Leaving your Trade for We Desire there may be a Containu- ance of the Peace that is made. I must Confess we have not obayed orders as we Ought To have Don, But for the Time To Come When your King will order us We shal be Ready, and as For the Yamasees they shal soon know [who] our hearts is With. As my Son hollala is Dead There is not [one] Left of my Family But Sepey Coffee Who is fit To take upon him The Charge that I have, which is Two great a Charge for a man of my age. Tho I must Confess that Sepey Coffee has not been your Freind a great while but Rather a Freind To the French and Spaniards. But he has had so much said To him that he Will now prove as True to you as ever he did To them, and I hope your king will let him Succeed his Brother Since its the General oppin- ion of my People That he Should." ^ Who. 2 Beloved. 183 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Sepe Coffees Speach. "Tis True I have Been in the French and Spanish Inter- est A Great While and the first begining of it was When the warr was Brock out with you. The heads of the Whole Nation Sent me to the French and SpanardsTo make a peace wt them, and I did [so] and after That it ^ Created a farther Acquaintance and I assired^ them of my Freindship in Partic- ullar and have Containu'd to be their Frend according To my Promise. But Since I find that I disoblidge my Father and all other Freinds by it I have now Left thir Intrest and have not Been [with] any of them for some Time. I am Now Designed To Warr. My Father has oblidged me To go out with him against some of his enemies. Where it is [I] cant Tell But if, [I] Live to Return will. If I Can be admit'd, goe Down and See your great King." The Old King Confirm'd his Sons Speach. August the yth. Arived at the Pallachocola Town ^ Two Spaniards, on Negro, and four Commantle Indians where I met them in order to know ther Bussiness. The Spanyard was Shye of Comeing unto the Square for Some Time but The Negro Sat in the Square in a Bould Maner. At Length The Spanyard Came also into the Square. I Received them as Friend[s] knowing that they were Designed To the Cowweetaws * where I thought my Best Freinds to be. Sepe Cofi"ee Seemed To Show The Spanyard great Favour Which he did to prevent There haveing a mistrust of his Freindship and Discover [what] it is [he] Designes against the Yamasees, as he Informed me afterward. August the 8th. The said Spanyard arived at the Cowweetaws and Brought with them Two Caggs of Spainish Brandy Which Soon put * I. 2 Assured. ^ Apalachicola, a town of the Hitchiti, who were closely as- sociated with the Creeks. It was situated on the west bank of the Chattahoochee nearly opposite the present site of Columbus, Georgia. * Kawitas, who had two towns, Kawita (old town) and Upper Kawita, both on the west bank of the Chattahoochee, a few miles below Apalachicola. 184 TOBIAS FITCH'S JOURNAL the Town in a Confusion. I went over To Cusseetaw Town * and the nixt day Summonsed the heads of sd Town To meet ; according they did. I then gave them the Following Talk : "There is Arived at the Cowweetawes Two Spanyards, On Negro and four Tommantle Indians. I do not know what their Bussines is But the Negro that they have Brought with them I know to be a Slave Belonging To our Country and therefore Designe This day To goe over and Take him. I do not know whither The Cowweetaw's will like my Takeing the Negro ; I therefore Expect That you that are head men will goe over with me and Carry Som of your Warriours with you that if in Case the Cowweetaws should opose me you may be ready to Stand by me. I hope none of you will Refuse this Since you say you are Freinds To my great King, and by this you will in a great Meassure prove your Freindship." Answer from the head men. "What you have Said is Good and [we] are Ready to goe with you Not only To the Cowweetaws But where Else where you will order us." I then went over the River with lOO Cusseetaws and lo White men heading them with my Flag flying, which put the Cowweetawes in Such a Freight that there was not on head Man to be seen when I Came to the Square. I imediatly Put Two Sentinalls at the Door where the Spanyards and Negro [were] quartered. When the Cowweetawes saw that they found my Designes was against the Spanyards, and then on of the head Men Came to the Square Who I Sent To [tell] Old Brimins, Sepe Coffee, Chiglley, and as many more of head men as was in the Town To Come to the Square ; accordingly they Imediatly Came and I gave them the Talk as Followes : "Here is Two Spaniard Come To your Town and has Brought With them a Negro Beloning To my King who I am now Designed To Take into my Possession and Send ^ Kashita, which was on the east bank of the Chattahoochee and two or three miles below Kawita. 185 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Down into my Said King. The Reason that I Call you Together is That as the Negro is now under your Jurisdic- tione I am not Willing to Take him Till [I] Inform you of the Same, And if there is any among you That has any thing To say against it I Desire to know What it is and Who they be That makes any objections against it. The Negro is a Slave and tho he has Been Taken by the Yamasees and Lived among The Spanyards Yet that dis^ not make him free. The Reason That I Brought These Cusseecaws is because our King has allways had a Better Charrecter of them then You, But I hope that You Will Convince me of that and Show me by your Behaviour That you are as good Freinds To my King as the Cusseetaws are." Old Brinimis answers : "We have Nothing To say or doe In this affair. As you Say the Negro is a Slave you must Take him an Do with him what you please for although the is in my Town I have Nothing to Do with him nor no Body Else that is here and as To the Cusseetws being your Best Freinds I know the Reason of it. But I should be Glad if you would Show me on Instance Where the Cusseetaws has Expressed their Freindships in Better Termes Then we have Don." I Then Sent and had the Negro [seized] and brought Into the Square, and the Spanyards there apeared in Behalfe of the Negro Assuring me that he was a Good Christian. A Talk to the Spaniards. " I am Sent here by the Government of Carolina To See our Freinds, The Creek Indeans, and To Transact affairs here for Our Said Government, and I am not To Suffer any white Man To Reside in this place without giveing me an account of his Bussines. I therefore Demand of you who Impower'd You To Come into This nation and for what purpose are You Come .'* " The Spanyards Answer. "I have a Commission, which I here Lay befor you. To Impower me to Come here. Though I should not have Come ^ Does. 1 86 TOBIAS FITCH'S JOURNAL here had not old Brinimes Sent for me. He did Send on[e] of his men Down to my Master the Governr of [St.] Augustine Desireing him To Send a man To him That he wanted To here^ a Talk, and Likewise to Send aTalkTo[St.] Augustin[e] ; and that is my Arand here but I find that I have no Bussiness here and if I had Thought that I should have Been Received a[s] I am I should not have Come. They sent for a Talk and the Mouth that I Brought to Talk with them they have Suffered you To take from me. But since you say that he is a Slave its Right That every on ougat^ To have their own. But if you will Take Two Indian Slaves for him I have them Ready for you ; if not, let me know his purchase [price] and I will Redeem him to the Spanyard." " Its need[less] for you To Contest about the Negro for he is not To be purchased. As To old Brmimis Sending for you its not So, For the old man himself Denies it. But this is only ane Excuse of your Own makeing. I do not Doubt But you have Some Lying Stories To tell the Indians as is Customary for you To do, and I should do you but Justice To Lie ^ you and Send where the Negro is agoeing. But Since I find you have a writeing Which I Belive is from your Governr I shal Excuse you at this Time." He then asked live To go him ■* in a very Submisive manner. I Told him he might goe Where he pleas'd and So we parted. On of the head men of Cawweetawes, Takeing Notice of the Discourse Between us, Came to me and asked What the Spanyard had Said. I Tould him that the Spanyard Declaired that Old Brmi- mis had Sent for him and that he was Come to here a Talk from Brinimis, But had Brought no Talk with him. The head mans answer. "The Spanard Lyes. If you had not Been here we should have had Talk for Two or three days. But Being hear he is afear'd you will Tie him as you have don the Negro. They are often Comeing here with Talk and we never find any of ^ Hear. ' Ought. ^ Seize. *• Home. N 187 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES there Talks to be True, and I no of no on here that wonts any of their Talk ; And if you Think it good they Shal never find the way home To Fetch an other Talk." Answer. "What you Say is True. I Belive The Spanyards brings a great many Lies among You. But they and us is now Freinds, and its not our way to profess Friend[ship] with our Mouths and in our hearts To be Enemies. Altho I do not Doubt But if them Spanyards had Such ane offer against me they would Readylie except of it ; But whenever We profess Friendship to any people we are allwise True to Our Words." I then proceeded to give them the Following Talk, there being The King of the Tommantles in the Square : "I am very Glad That I happen'd to be here at this Time To see your Kind Behaviour to the Yamasees who you Know to be our utter Enemies and all Dayly doing us all the Injury they Can. After all your promises to The Contrary, you Can not but think that I Take Notice of this since them very Yamasees That are now Sitting with you would Take my Scalp and all the rest of the White people that are here if they had ane oppertunity ; and its you that Protects them In such action, for if you was not their Freinds they Would not Dare be our Enemies ; and you can no longer Denie your Freindship to them Since I have now seen it with my own Eyes and must Tell you that I am oblidged To Take notice of this and Informe my King of your Behaviour, and how he will Like it You may Judge after your Repeated Promisses to the Contrary." I had no answer made to this which I Found afterwards was for Fear of Discovering their Designe against the Yamassee. I was then Designed to set foreward To the Abecas but Soon, the ii August., arived five Indeans from the Sinecaws,^ Three of Which had Been Sent to the Sinecaws with a Talk and Been gone nine months which was three months longer Then there Time Limeted. They Brought Two Sineecaws who Brought the Following Talk To the Cowweetawes and other of the Lower Towns. ^ Senecas. i88 TOBIAS FITCH'S JOURNAL " In answer to your proposalls of a peace with the Cherokeys we Can by no means Consent To. Neither do you upon any pretence Whatever Conclude a peace with the Cherokeys ; Lest we Deem You our Enemies as we do them ; for we have no peoble To warr Against nor Yet no Meal To Eat But the Cherokeys. But as You are part of Our Nation we Charge You To keep a peace With the English, you once had a warr with them and you gott Litle by it and had you Contained ^ it Longer it would have Been the worse for you. But as you are now at peace with them we aduise you to Continue so For the English are a people that we have had a long Experi- ence of and have allwise found them to be True and Trusty Freinds and FaithfuU To thir promise, which you will Like- wise find if you Behave your Selves as Freinds to them and Continue your Freindship as we have Don. " As to the Indians that Lives to the Southward of you, make a peace With a[s] many of them as you please, But Take Care That you oblidge all Such as you make a peace with That they Imediatly Remove and Setle naer you. By that you will have all your Freinds Ready To oppose your Enemies. That is the Method that We Take and we would have you do the Same. But be sure to use the White people well That Comes among you and never Forget your freindship to the English. While you do that your Faer ^ and ours is on. We here Send you a Token of Freindship." Which was Some painted garters. On August the 12th I Sett away from the Cowweetawes and arived at the Lun-ham-ga Town in the Abecas 226. Instant, which is 1 86 mil's. I was there Received with a great many Serimony's and after Being hansomly Treated Hopea- hachey made the Following Speach : "We are the Uppermost People of this Nation and tho we ar at this Distance Yet our hearts is as naer to you as them that Leve naer then ^ we do; for tho we Latly had a Difference; yet it was never our seeking nor yet our Desire ; But we were Brought into it By the Tallopoops Coweetawes and. ^ Continued. ^ Father. ^ Live nearer than. 189 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES other of the Lower people. But as To the Robing of the White man at the Cherokeys we know nothing of it. Non[e] of our People was there and though the Lower Creeks has once Brought us Into a snare I do assure you we shal take better Care then to be Droven into the Like By the Lower Creeks or any others. We are very glad to see you here and tho we have not Such Intertainment To give you as you give us when we Come to you, yet such as we have we give you Freely ; and we are very glad to see that you Can eat such as we Live on. When you are at home your Dyet is kept more under Command, Your Chatle are kept in large pens and Likewise your Sheep ; your Turkeys and Ducks are at your Doores. Now with us its not so. We are forced to hunt and Take a Great deale of pains To get our provis- siones befor we eat it, but we shall not think any Trouble Too much To get Intertainment for you while you Stay with us be it as long as it will, you Being the first Beloved Man that ever we Saw in our Town." Just at this Time it happen'd that 300 of the Tallepoopes was marched To the Lower part of the Abecas on thire Jurney to the Cherekeys and Expected 200 of the Abecas To Joyne in warr against the Cherokeyes. I found that the Abecas was not designd To send any but Young men. I therefore gave them the Following Talk : "I think that Since none of your head men Designes to Lead your young Men to Warr your Best way will be to put a Stop to thire goeing out, Least they Should be Lead on by the Tallopoopes To be guilty of Such Actiones as themselves has been in plundering our White man at the Cherokeys." This Talk put a Stop to the Abecas goeing out and the Tallapoops armey was then Imediatly Reduced to 40 men Who proceeded to the Cherokeys. Dureing my Stay at the Abecas they were Dayly Terrified by the Cherokeys and Chick'saws who are in Conjnction with them ; the Abecas lost five of thire people while I was in thire Towns. On Septr the 14th I Received aditionale Instructions from the Honable Arthour Middleton Esq., president, pursuant 190 TOBIAS FITCH'S JOURNAL to which I Sumons'd all the head men of the Tallapoopes and Abecas. Accordingly They Mett [and] I gave them [the] Following Talk : "My great King has Sent me a great Talk to give you which is the Reason that I Sent for you ; and I am glad to See that you are So Mindfull of Our King as to Come and here his Talk. The talk I sent to my Great King in which you have promissed To make Satisfaction for the goods your people Took from our White man and ^ the Cherokeys is well Liked only that my King and Beloved men Expects that you will pay me Some part of them now before I goe from hence, Which Will Convince them that you Really Intend to pay the debt. Answer. "You know that we have not Skin's among us, But if that will Convince your King we will gett what Skines is to be found among us and pay you before you leave us." Ques. "My Great King Expects likewise that Since he has offered you to make a peace with the Cherokeys and that [they] Refuse it, that you wil not Concern your Self any Further therein Till you apply to him for the Same." Answer. "We Cannot say anything about that for our people is not all at home. Some are gone to Warr ; but at the Nixt Meeting You Shal have a Talk Relating to the peace w[i]t[h] the Cherokeys." "My Great King Desires to know what Assureance You Can Give him that your young men do not Comitt the like Action againe." Answer. "We belive that our Young people has and will Suffer So Sevearly for this that they will take Care how the[y] Bring themselves and Freinds in Trouble again. Beside we will Take Care that non of Our people Shal goe out to warr Without Sending Such Leading Men With them as we Can Trust, and if any of Our Young Men Will be So head Strong as not to follow orders and will Committ any Hostilletys on your people at the Cherokeys or Else Where We will then Deliver Such offenders to your King and he may do with them as he thinks fitt." ^At. 191 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Ques. "My King likwise Demands Satisfaction for three of the Avecas that was Taken by the Cherokeys. Our King Saved thir Lives and gave his Cloath for them for which you have promised To pay him and never have don it. This and Some other things has made our King So Cross that he now Say's that he will not Suffer any more amunition to Come among you unless you will pay him what you owe him." Answer. "We must have Some time to Consider of What you have Said to us and if you will appoint a Time to mett we will then give ane answer about the Slave Redeemed from the Cherokeys ; for our King Hoby-o-haw-Chey not Being here, we Can say nothing Concerning it ; but we hope that your King will not Stop the White mens bringing Goods among us, for unless You Supply us with goods and Anumi- tion we are no people Neither shal we be able to pay Debts unless we Can be Supply'd with Amunition from You." Ques. "I do not see how you can Expect any Favour from my king Since your peoples behaviour is Such to him ; That Action Don at the Cherokeys, you pretend to say it was Don by Rash Young men. I would not have you think that I am To be Imposed upon by Lying Stories for you yourself know the Sleyamasees cheys warr Talk every Night to His Wariours were that the White people gave the Cherokeys Notice of your designes against them and that if they mett with white men there goods should be Taken from them. Now Is this the Behaviour of a Freind .'' I Leave you To Judge, and what I say is True, and that you know for what I say I have from on of the people that was there. So I hope That as there is Gogell eys and Several of his people is gone to warr against the Yamasees that you will be of Opplnion with me at there Return to take from them what Slaves they gett Towards makeing Satisfaction [and] in Case they are not Willing, To take them by Force, for I did not Come here to ask them men for anything that Realy Took the White mans Goods, they Being a percell of Inferriour Fellowes. I am Come to Talk with you that are the head men and its of you that my King Expects to be 192 TOBIAS FITCH'S JOURNAL paid, Which will, and Nothing Else Can prevent my Kings makeing a Warr with you ; So I now give you fourty Days To make answer to What I have Said To You, at which Time I hope you will Bring what Skins you Can gett and Comply wt my Kings Demands in Every Respect, That As we have Lived like Freinds So we may part. In doeing of which you will Serve none more then yourselves." On Septr the zSth I Returned to the Cowweetawes, Expecting to mett ^ Cherokeys Leech-che, who I had Sent for to mett me with the White English Woman that he keeps as a Slave and Deliver her to me or I should find ways to oblidge him. She was not Come but in Two dayes Time arived on of the Lower town's people who gave the Following Account : "Cherokeyes Laceeh-che was fully Designed to Come up and Bring with him all his Town and live amonge us. But when the Spanish Capt. heard of it he Came to Cherokey Leech Town and assured ^ Where he was goeing. Cherokey-leech-che Answered : ' There is a Beloved man Come from the English to the Creeks and Sent for me to Come to him and I am agoeing to See what he wants wt me.' The Capt. : 'But what are you prepareing those Counues ^ and othere Nessesaries for as you had a mind to leave your Setlemt.?' Cherokeys leech : 'I designe to goe and here the Beloved English man Talk and if it's good I Shal Remove and live amonge the Creek's where I have a great many Relations.' Capt. : 'That is what we heard and therefore I am Sent to tell you from my King that the English man Who is at the Creeks was Sent on purpose to Justice You There and then by the assistance of the Tallapoops he is Lie* you and Your Women and Childreen Carry you down and Send You over the great Water.'" This prevented Cherokey's Leech-ches Comeing to the Creeks as the Lower people affirm. I found that the army agst The Yamasees had Been march'd Eighteen days and ^ Meet. ^ Inquired. ' Canoes. * Seize. 193 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES that a Message was sent by a Negro from the Governour of moveal ^ Chargeing the Creeks not to goe Out To Warr against The Yamasees. The Said Negro pursued the Army Two days and Turned Back 70 of the Warriour's that was Designed against the Yamases. The old King Brmins Told me He had a Talk left by his Son Sepe Coffee for me Which was as followes : "I am now goeing against the Yamasees and hope at my return To Show you that I am Realy your Freind and not the Spanyards nor French, and If your King S'ould^ Send a Comlsslon for me and If you Cannot Stay till my Return leave It with my Father. But I should be very glad to See you at my Return." Brmins Speach before his head men and Derected To me *'I have now Sent my people against the Yamasees and my order to them Is to take, Kill and Destroy all the Yama- sees they meet with and in Case the Sparnyards S'ould assist the Yamases then to the Spanyards as Yamases ; but wethar they will [have] any Success I cannot tell for there is a Massage Sent Down to the Yamases from the Lower Towns to give them an account of my peoples goeing out. This Should have Been Long agoe but your King never Sent a Talk to me before you Brought It. There has Been Several talkes here, But I would not have you Belive that I am to take a Talk from any man in this Nation for through ^ I am Old yet I am the head of this Nation and my mouth Is good. I do not know the meaning that your King has Left of his former Customs for thire was never a head man made here but such as I would Recomend to your King. But now any young Fellow that gees Down and Tell[s] a Find ^ Story they [get] a Commission and then they Come here and they are head Men and at the Same Time No more [fit] for It then Doges. Where is all these men that has been Such Good Frelnds to you ? How many of them is gone Farr against Your Enemies .? I sent to the Capts. and ordered 1 Mobile. 2 Should. 'Though. "Fine. 194 TOBIAS FITCH'S JOURNAL them To gett ready and they would not on man goe out, nay they would not give the Varlours ^ any thing to eat as they past The Town, and these are the people that wants the white peoples goods Cheeper then us because they are your Best Freinds. Answer. " I am glad to hire ^ that your People is gone out with so good a Designe and hope they may have as Good Success. But as fore^ my King appointing unproper men to be head men I know not how you Can bleam^ him for these very Cussitawes when they are Down with Our King, They tell him they will goe to Warr With Our Enemies and if they will Talk Streight there and throw the Talk away When they Come here I know not how my King Can help that. Neither do I know Who among you he Can Depend on for by What I Can see the mot ^ of you are in one mind this day and another the nixt." Octr the 26th. I left the Cowweetaws and on November the 1st I Came to the Oakefuskey town in the upper Talla- poopes which was the Time and place appointed to make payment for the Three Slaves Redeemed and likewise for Mr. Sharpes Goods. I Came here at 9 a Clock at Night and 150 head men and Warriours mett Expecting me, and after passing Some Complemts one Wm. Wood, who is a Tradeour in Said Town, Desird to Speake with me and Said : ''This Company that you see hear has been met two days' and have not Slept any. We that are White men have Been very much Slighted by them and its my opinion that if you Reherse the same talk that you gave them last that we Shal be all murdered, for I heard a head man say Sitting In the Square that the Beloved man Talked much of Warr In his last Talk, that the White people once had a Warr and : Why did they not keep it if they liked it ; But that if the Beloved man would have warr They would give him warr. Ane other Replyed, * Be easey, let him Come ; We will here his Talk again, it may be Better.' If You have a mind to be easey you must Tye the Wariours ; for they would not be ^ Warriors. * Hear. ^ For. * Blame. ^ Most. 19s TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES queit else." An other Reply'd, 'Take Care What you Say * that White man understands you. I do not Care what he understands for if the Beloved man was here himself I would Say As much.' " I then turned to the Square and asked for letter[s] from the Oakechey Capt. whom I had seen ^ to the Chocktaws on pur- pose to bring me ane account from them how the Tradeours was Rec'd. Capt. answer[ed] : "The White men are Well but they gave me no Letters. Here is two head men of the Chocktaws that has Brought you a token of peace and hope that your king will look on them as Freinds and when the Whitemen Comes Down Some of the Chocktaws kings Designes [coming] Down to your king to pay thir Respects to him." Novemhr the 2d. The head men of Abecas and Talla- poopes mett, Being in Number 150 men; I went to the Square and sd ^ as followes : I am very Glad to see so many of you meet according to apointmt. But before We proceed to any talk I must Inquire who among you is Disturb'd at the last talk that I gave You. I am Informed by the White man that Trades in this Town that Some of you have Said I told you much of Warr in my Last talk to you and that if I wanted warr you would give it me. I should have took it well of you if you had told me then what part of my Talk you disliked, for I would then have Satisfied you, and you have had no need to have bore it in mind so long. When my king sent me here he thought he had Sent me to talk with head men and Warri- ours and therefore he did not send Talks to please Women and Childreen. I dont Doubt but [that if] T had told you that you were the Best freinds to my King and that he Loved you very well but what this would a have pleased you. But then this would not be the way To make all Streight Between my king and you. For you yourselves know that [you] have Been guilty of what you dare not Justifie, and if my king should pass this by and take no notice of it, I am Sure you Could not think that his heart was Streight with ^ Sent. ^ Spoke. 196 TOBIAS FITCH'S JOURNAL you, but must think that [he] would bear it in his mind. I do suppose your discourse before the white man has been to Deterr me from Insisting uppon your promises. Tis true you may Choo's whither you will pay me what you promised me or no ; but unless you do, I Can Assure you as I Told you before that my King will make a warr with you which I have in words from his own mouth, and like it how you will I Cannot help it, for I came here to tell you the Truth and that I shal doe. Tis true you [may] kill a few white men that is among you if you will. But I would not have [you] think that I am affeard to Dye. Since I am Sure my king will Revenge it on you ; for if you was to do me any hurt I do assure you my king would never forgive you while on of you was Liveing." The King of the Oakfuskys Answer. "Tis true we [were] Speaking pretty angre in the Square but it was about the Chickesaws and not about you, and the White man dis not understand our Talk. I do asure you We desire to have no Difference with you." I then Called for the White man and made him give in the Indean Tongue the same words that he heard spoke in the Square by the head men, which by my Lingister agreed with what he Told me in English. When the Indeans found that he had Rehears'd it they Seem'd to [be] under Some Concern, but Still Denyed the words. I thenproceed[ed] to Receive What Skins they had Brought in, part for Mr. Sharp ; then they Delivered 120 Skins telling me, "We are no[t] the people that was Concerned in the Plun- dering the White Man, nor yet had we any of his Cloths ; but to let your king see that we doe Designe to see him paid we brought you these. The people that tooke the Coths are all out, either at warr, or a hunting ; and as soon as they Come In, if we find they are not Willing to pay as they have promised then we will take from them Either Slaves or Skins and send them to Savana Town. This you may Tell your dng he may depend on. 197 I TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES And as to the three Slaves Redeemed from the Cherokeys the skins has been paid long since, but we find the man in Whose hands the Skins Wes ^ lodged has Detained them; but you may depend they shal be paid this Spring. To 2 a Peace with the Cherokeys we now apply to your king. For we now find its the Chickesaws that Injur's us and not the Cherokeys ; so that if the Cherokeys will Send all the Chickesaws home out of there nation and bring a white man from your King with them down the Coossaw ^ River we will Trust them and Receive them in the Cossaw town, but not without a White man being with them. Answer. "You see that I write everything down that you say, therefore I shal not forget your promisess, and hope that you will Remember as well to Comply with them. I Shal likewise take Care To Informe my king of What you Say in Relation to the Cherokeys." Just at this Time arived 40 Warriours from the Cherokeys and Came Directly to me, and Said as foUowes : "I have Been to Warr agst the Cherokeys and Lay 15 days about there Towns, waiteing ane opertunity to gett a Scalp, but to no Purpose for they ware in Forts as though they Expected our Comeing, and you must Certainly have given your king [an] Account of [our] Designes and he has Sent it to your Beloved man that is at the Cherokeys. Now I think its Strenge Freindship that you pretend to us When every opertunity that you have of apraizeing the Cherokeys of our Designes against them you make use of it to acquent the Cherokeys of the Same. But Since You Call yourselves our friends, why do not you give us ane account of the Cherokeys Designe against us t But that you never do." Answer. "You know that at the first talk I gave you, I promised a peace with the Cherokeys In answer to what you Told me to send to my King and tell him that you Designed once more against the Cherokeys, and then you would Except of a peace if any king Would make it for you." * Were. ^ For. ' Coosa. 198 TOBIAS FITCH'S JOURNAL "Tis true we did tell you to send to your king, but then we thought we were Sending to our ffreind and not to the Cherokeys." "According to your request I sent to my king What you desired me, but I would not have you think that my king ever Sent that newes to the Cherokeys or that he is so much more the Cherokeys freind then yours, for the Custome with us is the Same as with you ; when there is any talk Sent down our King Calles the Beloved men Together and when they have Seen the Talk and Considered it amonge themselves then they give it out to Every Body and there might have happen'd Some Cherokeys Tradours down and [they] may [have] Carr[ied] the Talk home to the Cherokeys ; for you find the Traders here When they Come from our great Town if they here any thing of the Cherokeys they tell it you, and its as like the others may tell the Cherokeys. But I would not have you think its my Kings doeings, for he is a greater freind to you then You think on." Novemhr the 3^. I came down to the lower Tallopoopes and there pursuant to my late Instructions did take a Negro Who as I Resited Turned Back 70 Warriours, the sd Negro Being near the French Fort and amonge those Indians who have the French Commission, Which are the very lower Tallopoopes and Mixt with the Stinging-lingo Indians. I then Sumons'd the head men To meet. Accordingly [they] did. It was a litle Surprizeing to them That I should Desire a meeting being ane English man. They Readily meet, and I gave them the following Talk : "I am very Glad to see that you are Come to hear my Talk Which Indeed I did not Expect, Since you are Such Slaves to the French that you dare not Suffer our Traders to Come among you for fear of Offending our master the French Capt. Altho at the same time you Cannot get Cloth any other way then Comeing Where Our Traders are and Buy of them, for the French are not able to gett Cloath ; And that is the Reasone they order you not to Suffer our White people to Come among you. Now its not soe with us. These people that we Call our Freind, as here is two with 199 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES me, ask them if I ever Told them not to let the French Come Among them. I do not Endeavour to keep my Freinds like Slaves as the French do you. But I am willing they should be like free men as they be and if the French Can sell as Good Coths as we do and as Cheep let them buy of the French. But my Bussines with you is to tell you that I [have] here Taken a Negro Who is a Slave blonging to my great King and has Been Run from us a great while and lived with the French. Now I Expect that the ffrench will Endeavour to perswad you to take this negro from me if they Can. But I do now Tell you that this [is an] afair that Lives be- tween the French Capt. and my Self, and [as] it dis not Concerne you I shall Expect that you will not medle Eithere on way nor other. If the French Capt. thinks he has a better right to the negro let him Come and Take him Since he has Twenty men in the Fort and I have but Ten here. But I doe Belive that if I should goe away now with the negro, the Capt. would Come and tell you that I Stole him and was Run away with him and that had I Stayed Longer he would Come and take hime from me. Now to Show that my Right to the Negro is good you goe and tell the Capt. That I Shal Stay in this Town four days to see if he has any[thing] to say to me." Answer from the head man. "Your Talk is very Good, and as to the Negro Since you say its your Slave you ought to have him and we have noth- in to Say to him ; but we will Send the Capt. word of what you Say and if he thinks its good he may Come and Talk wt you about him. For our part we are Indeans and will Differ with no White people." ^ Accordingly they Sent to the Capt. of the albaw-man fort.^ November the 4th. Capt. Sent the ffollowing Massage by on of his Subjects : iMt ^ Alabama Fort, or Fort Toulouse, which was erected by Bien- ville in 1714 near the confluence of the Coosa and Tallapoosa rivers. 200 I TOBIAS FITCH'S JOURNAL "I am Come from the King of the Al-bawma fort to you To know by what Authority you have taken a Subject Belonging to the Crown of France and ane Inhabiter of the Governmt of Moveall,^ and on whome the Governour of Moveall has ane Intire Value for and in case your Right to him is good to know what is the purchase [price] of him." "You may goe back and tell your king, as you Call him, that I think his assistance is great to question my authority by which I proceed here. [It] is very Good and that he shall know if he Dispute it, and that I hope to give an account of my proceedings to the Governmt of South Carolina that Sent me here and not To your king, and as to the purchase [price] of the Negro its Two great to ^ the Governmt of Moveall To obtain." November the Sth. I Went Back to the Tallapoopes where I Mett the Death hoop. I Imediatly Enquired the Meaning of it and found that the Abecas and Tallapoopes had Declared Warr against the Chickesaws, and had then Killed on Chickesaw Who lived among the Abecas; and [that it] was designed to Kill all that was Liveing among the Creeks. Tickhomebey and Sixteen more Chickesaws aplyed them- selves To me in this Manner : "Here is the Oakechoye Capt. Come from the Chocktawes and there has heard that the Chickesawes has latly Killed Some of the Creek people and Carried there Scalps to the Chickesaw Towns for which the Creeks has Killed on of our people and Designes to Kill all of us that is here. The Chocksaws ^ are not Reconcilled to our nation neither Can they gett Satisfaction of us without the assistance of the Creeks. So I hope as our Natne ^ is at peace with you that you will save our lives for I ame a True ffreind to the English and So will Continue." I then Imediatly Sent Runers to the Abecas to forbide their proceedings, and likewise for the heads of the uper Tallopoopes To Come to me. Accordingly they did and ^ Mobile. 2 Pqj.. ^ Choctaws. * Nation. 20I TRAV^ELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES on No[vemhe]r the loth I gave them The following Talk in the Tallasee Towne ^ in lower Tallapoopes : "I understand that You have Declared a warr against the Chickesaws from only a Story that the Oakechoye Capt. have brought me from the Chicktaws.^ We are but Just Getting ane acquantance with the Chocktawes, as yet we do not know them. Its very like that this may be don to set you against the Chickesawes that they may gett Revenge, Since they Cannot do it of themselves. What do you think the head men at the Chickesaws will think of me if I suffer you to kill there people that lives among you as Freinds ? Doubtles they will think that I am not their Freind, neither Can I Expect them to use Our White people there as Freinds unless I Show my ifreindship now to these people that you are agoeing to kill Which I Charge you not to doe, and I am not against your killing those that Live with the Cherokeys. For I see they are Dayly killing of you and if you will goe to war against the Chickesawes I Cannot help it. I have nothing to say to That. But as the Dogg king is now at the Chocktaws I think you would do well to Stay till he Comes and here what he Says. Its like the Captain might mistake. Answer. "We hear and your Talk is good. We will take it and wait as you say till the dog king Comes and then we shal know the Truth." November the 12th. I Left the Tallopoopes and the 15 Instant Came to the Cowweetaws. The day after my arival here there Came a Tommantle man from Cherokeys Leech's town and gave the Following Account : "Your people that is gone to War against the Yamases was disapointed finding the Yamases all in Forted. They Turned oif and is gone to the Floradays. There is likewise four ships from Carolina loaded with all Sorts of provissions and Tradeing goods on purpose To Suply the Yamases, and there is Two English men Sent to the Yamases from the King of the English to make a Peace with the Yamasees, ^ The Upper Creek town of Tallassee was on or near the site of the present town of Tallassee, Alabama. ^ Choctaws. 202 TOBL\S FITCH'S JOLTIX.AX \\ hich is don ; and there is now ten of the Yamases with them Two english men waiting to Meet your people When they Return and make a Peace With them. The Method proposed is that the Yamases Shal Deliver to you as many men as You lost with holatta to be put to Death and then to make a peace. Then the English proposses to erect a Fort at the fork of Hallatomahaw ^ River and there to Supply the Yamases with all Sorts of Goods and in order thereto they have already Brought Great Guns, Some of Which are Brass." It happen'd a little time before this I was telling Old Brinins of Mr. Spotswoods - Runing to [St.] Agustine With a parcell of Trading Goods Which proved of Service. Old Brunin^s answer to the Commantle man. "I am Surprized at your newes. I Cannot tell how to live ^ you. Since here is a Beloved man Who has latly Reed Letters from his king and if this had Been so I Should had heard it from him but you are On of our own Collour and the best of you will Lie. I shal here soon from my people and then shal know more of the Matter." My Own answer to the Coinmantles Speach Detected [to] Brunins and his Beloved men. " I am very Glad that it happen'd so as we talk of the man that I told you was Run to [St.] Augustine before this Xewes Came in, or you might have thought I told you a Lye For if there is any White English man with the Yamases it's the Same man that I told you of, and the Spanyards has Con- trived this Storye to Save the Yamasees by puting this Eng- lishman with them. But I Could wish your people knew my Mind ; them Englishmen Should be used as Yamasees that [are] found with them. And as to a peace with the Yamases if mv kind ^ had a mind to make anv he Would not j ^Altamaha. - Alexander Spotswood, who was lieutenant governor of Vir- ginia in 1710-1722. ^ Believe. * King, o 203 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Send to [St.] Augustine for It, but he would Send orders to me, being a more ready way. The Gun's being Sent to the fork of halla to mahaw ^ River is Like the rest of the Story and I find its Contrived by the Spanyards only to make ane Exchange for Our Freind HoUatta and the rest of our Beloved men that was murdered with him by the Huspaw ^ King and his Warriour's. Now I like the proposal they make of Exchanging and give- ing you as many Yamases as they have Killed of your people. But we must know what men they will Deliver up, whither they will Deliver the Huspaw King in Lew ^ of Hollataw and as many Yamases Warriours as we[re] killed with him ; but instead of that they will give you Slaves or Some other Inferriour Sort of Fellows that they may Spare without being mist. But I hope you have more Value for your king though he is dead and Respect to his ffather then to Sweep him away as we doe horses for the Spanyards themselves would Laugh at you as well as at the Yamases for Such an act[io]n. Old Brm'ns Your Talk is good. But I do not know what to think of these Two English men that is with the Yamases. For I know that will Surprize my people and they will not know what to doe, but you have Told us how it is. Lett them agree To what they will it shal be Spoilt at their Return." I then proposed Runners to be Sent and apprise the army of this affaire. But the Old King was of Oppinion it would be very Uncertaine where to Meet the Warrioures and the Runners very much Endangered ; but while we were Con- sidering of this affair there Came in two Runners from the Warriour's and gave the Following Account : "The Pilot that we had, Carried us to a Fort in a Town Where we thought the Yamases were, and we fired at the Said Fort, Which alarmed ten Men that was Placed To Discover us which we past when they were asleep. Our •) ^ Altamaha. ^ Huspah was the chief of a band of Yamasee Indians of the same name. ^ Lieu. ., 204 t f TOBIAS FITCH'S JOURNAL fireing awaked them and they Ran round us and gave Notice to the Yamasees Who was Removed from this town Nigher the Sea and had there Build a new fort which we found and Attacked but with litle Success through ^ it happen'd the Huspaw Kings Family was not all got in the fort and we took three of them and fired Several Shott at the Huspaw king and are in hopes have killed him. There Came out a party of the Yamases who fought us and we took the Capt. We waited three days about there Fort, Expecting to get ane oppertunity to take Some More but to no purpose. We then Came away and the Yamases pursued us. We fought them and gained the Batle. We drove the Yamases unto a pond and was Just Runing in after them where we Should a had a great advantage of them but we discover'd about fourty Spanyards armed on horse Back Who made Toward us wt a White Cloth before them and as they advanced toward us They made Signes that we Should iforbear fireing. Some of our head men gave Out orders not to fire, But Steyamasie- chie or Gogel Eys Told them it was spoilt and to fire away. According we did, and the Spanyards fled. After that the Yamases pursued us [and] gave us ane other Batle in which they did us the most Damnadge. We have killed Eight of the Yamases, on of which is the huspaw kings head Warriour and have Brought off" all thir Scalps. We have likewise Taken nine of them a Live, Together with Several Guns, Some Cloth, and Some plunder Out of there Churches, Which you will See When the Warriours Come in." We have Lost on our Side five men killed dead and six wounded. When I found the Army so nigh there return I was willing to prepare for my Comeing away [and] there being a Negro then in the Pallachochole town Belonging to Andrew Partoson of Port Royal that I thought to have Brought down, I sent five White men to take him and bring him to me. They Accordingly Took the Negro and had him, but the King of the Town Cutt the Rope and threw it into the fire and the King of sd Town Told the White men that they ^ Though. 20S TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES had as good Guns as they, and Could make as good use of them ; upon which the white man Returned unto me. I then thought, as the Warriours was not farr off, to wait till they Came in, before I Said any more about Said Negro. November the ^oth. Thomas Jones arived from the Chock- tawes and gave Following Account : That after Being at the Chocktaws and purchast some Skines the hunters where he was, all went out a hunting, in Number 700, Who was to bring in Skins Sufficient to pur- chase all his goods. The sd Jones Left Thomas Wiggin and a Considerall qaintity goods in order to Trade with sd Indeans at there Return, and Jones Left the Nation. On John Gallespy being Ready at the Same time to leave the Nation with Jones would not but waited for the Coossaw ^ king of the Chocktawes, who had promised Gillespey to Come down to this governmt, and sd Gillespey waited on purpose for him or might have Brought off his Leather and horses as Jones did, but the sd Gillespey the i6th November Left the Chocktawes nation ; And the 17 Instant the Chock- taws, as they belive, did fall on said Wiggin who was left in the Nation and did plund[er] and Take from him all the Said goods but with much to do did Escape. The Indeans did pursue the said Gillespey and Took from him Several horses loaded with Skins, wounded Several of the White men, and Killed One. The said Gillespey Came foreward With what horses was left him and mett with the Coosaw king who had apointed to Come Down with him. The Coossaw king Seeing of him Bloody Inquired the meaning of It. Gillespey Related to him what had hapen'd, Only omitting the death of the white man. The Coossaw king Replyed : "If you will goe Back with me Your goods and horses shal be Restored Back to you againe and you shal not loose on Skin by what has hapen'd." Then Gillespey told him that the worst of all, they had killed a White man. This seem'd to Surprize the King and he Said, "Now Its all Spoilt; The horses and goods I Could 1 Coosha was an Important Choctaw town on Lost Horse Creek in what is now Lauderdale County, Mississippi. 206 TOBIAS FITCH'S JOURNAL have gott, but the man Cannot be Brought to Life. I have Been Several years Endeavouring to open the path to the English and thought it was now don, but find it as farr of as ever. There is three men of Ours gon to the Creeks to see your Beloved man and then ^ I Give over to be dead." Gillespey told him that they should not be hurted, for though there was a white man killed He did not belive it was done by the Consent of the Chiefest of the Nation. Ac- cordingly Gillespey mett the Three Indians and Sent Them home wlilt[h]out hurt. The Dogg king of the Oakefuskey Came to me at the same time and Said, "What the Chocktaws has Done is not good and I have heard that the Chocktawes makes as good slaves as Negros ; if you think it will be good I will soon have some of them here. I have lOO men at my Command who are good Warriours and only wait for your orders." "What you Say is Good, but I dare not send you to Warr Till my great King has heard what has hapen'd." December the 28th. Hearing that the Warriours was naer the Lower towns I thought to goe down and meet them. I order'd my Lingister to make ready Which he Refused to do. It hap'nd That On William Hoge Just then was Come from the hovanys ^ who was a Better Lingister then the former John Molton. I took the Said hodge as Lingester and vent down to the Lower Towns. Sd hodge Being a Pack horse Driver to on John Cannaday, Who Molton was no ways Concerned with. Notwithstanding the Said Molton followed me to the Lower Town's and Just as I mett the head man that was Come from Warr, and had Begun to Talk with them, the sd Molton Came litle Better then Drunk and Interupted my Lingester, telling me that William Hodge I was his servant and that I had Stole him, which he would I make me know, and then told the Indeans that I was A ! ThieflF, had Stole his servant and not to mind what I had Said To them for my Talk was not good. He then Turned to me and Told me that what Talks I had given while he was ^ Them. ^ Havana. 207 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Lingester he would undoe for that the publick Intrust^ was not So advantageous to him as his Own. I then Charged him to behave himself with more Respect and not to think he was Speaking to a privat man for by the Trust Reposed in me I Represent the Governmt of Carolina. His Reply was, "Dame you and the Governmt Both. The Worst that Can be don is to prevent my Comeing here Which is more than they Can doe for I Will Come." Which he Bound by his Maker. I was oblidged to Conceal my Lingester from him and Could Not have any Discourse with the Indeans. The day after I Returned to the Cowweetawes where the Said Molton Endeavoured to perswad my Kings not to speak any thing for Me. This he did When he was Sober, and When he found he Could Not prevail with him, he then prevailed with Some of the head men, as I Suppose, not to Talk with me by the said Hodges Interpretation. Accordingly Some of the Indeans Told me they did not hear the Said hodge and Desired they might have Molton to talk with them. I answered them, "I look upon Molton to be a Rogue and Not fitt to be Intrusted with any of my Talk, and if [you] Cannot here this Man You must goe to my king and Talk wt him. For I will Talk with You by noe othere then this." Sepe Coffee Hott and Chuggilley, who Told me the said hodge Could speak there Tongue neir as well as themselves, asked those that objected against him what part of the Talk they misunderstood and So made them asshamed of there Objections, and then They Could all here the Sd Hodge. December the 15th. I Sent for all the Lower Towns head men to meet at the Cowweetaw ; the Same day the Warriours arived at the Cowweetaws. Old Brmins Speech to his Warriours. "You are Returned from Warr and Some of Your men You have Left. Such things as them must hapen or you ^ Interest. 208 TOBIAS FITCH'S JOURNAL would Be noe Warriours for if Men Should always goe out To Warr against Enemies and never loose any men then old Women would be good Warriours. But this is What makes you warrioures. That you will goe into such Dangers where you [are] sure some of you will Drop. But I hope this is but a beginning as you have now made a war with the Yamasees I hope you will Continue it while there is a Yamasees Left on the land, Since In that you gett revenge for your Selves and English Both [of] who[m] they have Caused to Shead many tears as well as my self." Sepe Coffee answers, "We have had but poor Success but we hope The nixt Time to have Better. But a Warr I do Designe To Continue against the Yamasses While I Can gett Bullets and Powder for Skins. I Cannot say, I will kill them all. Some may goe over the Great Water. But there Shal not One Stay on this Land." "I am very Glad to see you Return with no greater Loss than you have which Indeed I did not Expect Since the Yamases had Such Timely Notice of your Designes against them. Its a wounder to me they did not do you a greater deal more Damage But hope that you will Take some Course with those That Sends Such newes to the Yamases. Amonge us Such a man would be Tied to four mad horses and Draven ^ to pices — - as Should give Our Enemies ane Account of Our Designes against them and at the Same Time pretend to be Our flFreind. My king has Sent a Commission to King Sepe Coffee to be Comander in Cheif of this Nation under his Father Emprour Brmin's Derections, the meaning of which Comission is to Take all orders that shall Come from my king, to hear no talk But What Comes from him, and to be Sure to put all his orders In Execution, and that all men in this Nation is to pay the said Sepe Coffee due obedience as there King dureing the Time that Sepe Coffee Containues to be True and Trusty to my King and no Longer." And So [I] Delivered his Comission and Likewise [one] to one Capt. Hott, which was Intirely to the Satisfa'ne of all the heads in Generall. ^ Drawn. 209 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Sepe Coffees Speech at Takeing his Comission. "I do now take this with a Straight heart and you may Tell your King that I Shal not let it lie much in my house. But that it Shal be put in Execution, that is goe to War against his Enemies and mine and you may tell him that my heart is now Streight with him and So Shal Containue." On December the id I gave them the following talk being the day I Left the Natione, there being 120 head men of the Lower Townes present : **My king Sent me into this Nation to see every Town and To know Who among You are his Freinds and who are not. Accordingly I have Been throughout your Whole Natione and I am now agoeing to my king and Shal let him know What I am now agoeing to tell You. The Negro Which I Took from the Spanyard in this Town did make his Escape from the White man that were Carring him Down and Returned to Squire Mickeo who Imediatly assisted him with Cunnue and provissions sufficient to Carry him to Saint Mallagoes. Now there Sitts the Squire, Let him Denie it if he dares, and then I will prove it to his Face. There is likwise a White girl that Belonges to us Whis ^ detaind by the Dogg King of the Pallachochola Town and is kept over the River in a Remute^ pleace that no white man shal see her. Then ^ I Sent down to the Pallachocola Town and had a Negro Tied in order to Carry him to his master, the King of sd Town did Cut the Rope, threw it in the lire, and Told the whiteman That they had as good Guns as they had and Could make as Good use of them. Now do you think that these lookes like Freindly Actions ^ Or do you think when I goe home and my king askes me if all the Creeks are his Freinds that I Can tell him they are ^. Noe I do assure you I Cannot. But I Shall tell him I look upon all people Below Capt. Hotts house to be Reather freinds To the Yamases then to us, for is [it] not plane that Squire Mickeo Sent to the Yamases to let them know of * Who is. * Remote. ^ When. 210 TOBIAS FITCH'S JOURNAL Your Comeing ? As I Tould you befFore Such a man with us would be Tore to pl[e]ces with mad horses. Thereffore if these people has a mind to Show thir freindship to my king Let Squire Mickeo's Town pay for that Negro he assisted away, Let the dog king Deliver the White girl, and let the pallachochola town pay for the Negro their King untied ; without which I do not see how you Can Call Your selves frcinds to my king. Tis True you may Call yourselves freinds as You [say], but my king wants no Such freindship as is only Exprest with the Tongue and not by the Actions. I Would not have you think that I am Beging your Freind- ship for my king has Freinds Sufficient w[i]t[h]out you. I only want to know how ^ among you will be his Enemies and who [h]is Freinds, so I shal Expect when Seepe Coffee Comes down that he will Bring Satisfaction for the two Negroes and the White girl." Sepe Coffee['s] Speech to the head men and Wariours. "You here What the Beloved man say's. I do not find that any of you Denies what he says thereifore [as] I belive what he says to be all True and [that] his Demands is all Reasonable, So I hope you that are my Warriours will Stand be* me and See that all his Demands are Comply'd with." I then left the Natione Leaving 120 Dear Skins in Sepe Coffees possession and four Slaves Belonging to Mr. Sharp which I Should have Brought with me but Receiving a Letter from the honable Coll. George Chicken Esquire where he adwised me of a Chickesaw being killed naer the Savana Town by the Creeks and that the Chickesaws was Resolved to Retal[i]ate it on the Creeks, I inform[ed] The Creeks of the Same, which was the Reason that they did [not] think it safe for the Burdeners To proceed with me But the said goods Should be Left and that Sepe Coffee Would bring them Down in the month of March when he Designes to be Down himself with five other head Men and fourty Warriours with him for ^ Who. * By. 2ii TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES a guard. But he Desires that the guard may be Suffered to pass The Savana Garrisson and Came ^ as Low as Edisto River for he Lookes upon it as [being as] Dangerous between the Savana town and Edisto [as] any other part of the way. I Left the Cowweetaws December the 2d and Brought with me a Negro as I have herein Resited and being Within 20 miles of the Savana Town left the sd Negro In Charge of two white men well arm'd and the negro Prisoned. Not- withstanding he got the white mens armes and Shot on John Sergant through the Brest and made his Escape. As soon [as] the News Came to me at Savana Town I Dis- pactht ane Express to [the] Creek's and gave ane account of the Negros Escape and promised a peace of Strouds to any Indean that Should Bring the sd Negros head To on Florance IMakhone, a Tradour at the Creeks, or a hundered pounds to any White man that Should Take him. Sepe Coffee prom- ised he would do his Endeavour To have him taken and sent Runer To aprize The uper Creeks of the Same. The foregoing proceedings as ^ a Just and True account • by Tobias Fitch. This is a true Copy from the Original]. Exaied ' this 21st May 1726. by Hen Hargrave, Depty Secty. ^ Come. ^ Are. ' Examined. 212 A RANGER'S REPORT OF TRAVELS WITH GENERAL OGLETHORPE, 1739-1742 i i 1 INTRODUCTION Georgla was chartered in 1732 to save South Carolina from the French and Spanish, yet South Carolina begrudged the people of Georgia a share in the Indian trade. Georgia, on the other hand, being a prohibition province at that early day, objected to the sale of rum to the Indians, and expressly charged that the difficulties between the English and the Creeks arose from the failure of South Carolina to render "satisfaction for injuries done by their pedling traders." General Oglethorpe, who was the early guide of affairs in Georgia and who In 1738 was appointed commander in chief of His Majesty's forces In both Georgia and South Carolina, made It his first care to win the friendship of the Indians. On the 15th of June, 1739, he wrote the Georgia Trustees : " I have received frequent and confirmed advices that the Spaniards are striving to bribe the Indians, and particularly the Creek nation, to differ with us ; and the disorder of the traders Is such as gives but too much room to render the Indians discontented ; great numbers of vagrants being gone up without licenses either from Carolina or us. ChlglUy, and Malachee, the son of the great Brim, who was called Emperor of the Creeks by the Spaniards, insist upon my coming up to put all things In order, and have acquainted me that all the chiefs of the nation will come down to the Coweta town to meet me, and hold the general assembly of the Indian nations ; where they will take such measures as will be necessary to hinder the Spaniards from corrupting and raising sedition amongst their people. "This journey, though a very fatiguing and dangerous one. Is quite necessary to be taken ; for if not, the Spaniards, who have sent up great presents to them, will bribe the cor- rupt part of the nation ; and, If the honester part is not supported, will probably overcome them, and force the whole 215 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES nation into a war with England. The Coweta town, where the meeting is to be, is near 500 miles from hence ^ ; it is in a straight line 300 miles from the sea. All the towns of the Creeks ^ and of the Cousees and Talapousees,^ though 300 miles from the Cowetas, will come down to the meeting. The Choctaws, also, and the Chickasaws, will send thither their deputies ; so that 7,000 men depend upon the event of this assembly. The Creeks can furnish 1,500 warriors, the Chickasaws 500, and the Choctaws 5,000. I am obliged to buy horses and presents to carry up to this meeting." ^ The 1 6th of the following month he wrote the Trustees from Savannah : "The French and Spaniards have used their utmost endeavours to raise disturbances amongst our Indians and the not deciding clearly in the Act relating to them has given such Insolence to the Carolina Traders that the Indians have declared, if I do not come up to them they will take Arms and do themselves Justice and have ordered a General Assembly of all the Nations to meet me. I set out this night." ^ Regarding the success of his trip Oglethorpe wrote from Augusta, September 5, 1739 : " I am just arrived at this Place from the Assembled Estates of the Creek Nation. They have very fully declared their rights to and possession of all the Land as far as the River Saint Johns and their Concession of the Sea Coast, Islands and other Lands to the Trustees, of which they have made a regular Act. If I had not gone up the misunderstandings between them and the Carolina Traders fomented by our two neighboring Nations would probably have occasioned their beginning a war, which I believe might have been the result of this general meeting ; but as their complaints were reasonable, I gave them satis- faction in all of them, and every thing is entirely settled in peace. It is impossible to describe the joy they expressed at my arrival they met me forty miles in the woods and layd ^ From Frederica. ^ Lower Creeks. ^ The Cousees and Talapousees were Upper Creeks. ^ Henry Bruce, Life of General Oglethorpe, pp. 207-208. * Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, Vol. HI, p. 80. 216 INTRODUCTION Provisions on the roads in the woods. The Express being just going to Charles Town, I can say no more but that I have had a burning fever of which I am perfectly recovered." ^ While at Augusta Oglethorpe received a communication from England informing him of the declaration of war against Spain and instructing him to "annoy" the Spaniards. The Ranger's Report is an account of his travels with Ogle- thorpe to the Indian Assembly at Kawita (Coweta) on the Chattahoochee River and in attendance upon Oglethorpe during his operations against Saint Augustine and in defense of the Georgia coast from Spanish invasion. The Report is among the Stowe Manuscripts in the British Museum, and a transcript which was made from this is in the Library of Congress. ^ Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, Vol. Ill, p. 8i. 217 A RANGER'S REPORT OF TRAVELS WITH GENERAL OGLETHORPE, 1739-1742 A Report having been raised by W. C. Esqr. that General Ogle- thorpe had no Rangers in Georgia but two or three that he kept to defray the Expence of Servants, The Author of the following Account {having been a Ranger in Georgia and Constantly paid as such) Submits it to any Candid Person whether such Report is not without Foundation and absolutely false. His Excellency Genl. Oglethorpe making a Tour into the Indian Nations to Establish Peace between them and the English ordered me to attend him it being about four Hun- dred Miles through the Woods, July the 8th we began our Journey and went by Water as far as Ebenezer. The General took Horse and Rode to the Uchee Town ^ he having sent the Boat round there where we arrived July the igth. July the 24th. The General set out with about twenty Five Persons in Company and some Indians all well Armed, it being very Necessary so to be, for not long before a Party of the Choctau Indians came down to the General who gave them Presents and they staid amongst the English as Friends, but did not prove so, for in their Return home, they met two English Men who traded among the Indians, one of these they killed and shot three of the others Fingers off, however he made his Escape to a Town of the lower Creeks, Who upon hearing his Relation of what the Choctau's had done, imediately armed themselves and went in pursuit of the Choctau's whom they find encamped round a Fire ; The Creeks imedi- ately charged them, killed a great many and took the rest 1 A town inhabited by Uchee Indians and situated on the Savannah River, thirty-five miles above Ebenezer and seventy miles above Savannah. 218 A RANGER WITH OGLETHORPE Prisoners. The General had also at this time two of the Choctau Indians with him who had put themselves under his Protection for fear of the People of the Creek Nation who would have killed them for the Barbarity of their Country- men to the two English Traders. But now I return to our Journey, which we Continued being Supplied with Venison by the Indian Hunters, and also Wild Honey of which they took Plenty. July 2jth. We arrived at Great Ogeechee River which we Swam our Horses over and The Packhorse Man got his Things over in a Leather Canoe which they carry for that Purpose and at every River where they are to use it, they stretch it with Stakes made on Purpose. July the 28th. The Things being all got over the River we set for- ward, The Indians killing plenty of Deer and Turkeys for our Refreshment, also several Buffaloes, of which there is great Plenty and they are very good Eating. Though they are a very heavy Beast they will out Run a Horse and Quite Tire him. July Jist. We Travelled over many Hills from which we had a very Pleasant Prospect of the Valleys which abounded with fine green Trees and abundance of Grapes and other Fruits, but which were not Ripe. From the Top of one of these Hills we perceived a great Smoke at a Distance from us, which we Imagined to be at the Camp of a Party of Spanish Horse which were sent out on Purpose to hinder us if possible from going to make this Treaty of Peace with the Indians and which has since been of so great Service to us, the Friendly Indians annoying the Spaniards very much. We encamped at Occomy ^ River where we found a Horse belonging to one of the Spaniards ; We crossed the River and killed two Buffaloes of which there are abundance, We Seeing Several Herds of sixty or upwards in a Herd. We Camped at Ocmulgas ^ River where are three Mounts raised by the Indians over three of their Great Kings who were killed in the Wars. August the 6th. We came to Dollus Rivulet where we Encamped ; In the Night came to us Capt. Wiggin, Mr. Gudell, and two of the Chief Indians, before they came to us they hooped which our Indians ^ Oconee. ' Ocmulgee. P 3X9 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Answered, then they came to our Camp and saluted the General in a very friendly Manner which he Returned. August the ph. We set forward and on our way we found several strings of Cakes and Bags of Flower etca. which the Indians had hung up in Trees for our Refreshmt. August the 8th. We Encamped about two Miles from the Indian Town, The Indians sent Boys and Girls out of their Town with Fowls, Venison, Pompions, Potatoes, Water Melons, and Sundry other things. About ten of the Clock we set forward for the Indian Town and were met by the Indian King And some of their Chiefs, the King had English Colours in his hand. We Saluted them and they Returned our Salute, and then shaking Hands with the General and Com- pany the King very gracefully taking him by the Arm led him towards the Town, and when we Came there they Brought us to Logs which they had placed for that purpose Covered with Bear Skins and desired us to sit down which when we had done The head Warriours of the Indians brought us black Drink in Conkshells which they presented to us and as we were drinkingthey kept Hooping and Hallow- ing as a Token of gladness in seeing us. This Drink is made of a Leaf called by the English Casena (and much Resembles the Leaf of Bohea Tea) It is very Plenty in this Country.^ Afterwards we went to the Kings House or rather Hut where we Dined, at night we went to the Square to see the Indians dance, They dance round a large Fire by the beating of a Small Drum and Six Men singing ; their Dress is very wild and frightfuU their Faces painted with several sorts of Colours their Hair cut short (except three Locks one of wch hangs over their Forehead like a horses fore Top) they paint the Short Hair and stick it full of Feathers, they have Balls and rattles about their Waist and Several things in their Hands, Their Dancing is of divers Gestures and Turnings of their Bodies in a great many frightfull Postures. The 1 The black drink was a tea made by boiling the leaves of the Ilex cassine. The southern Indians drank it on deliberative occasions, and especially at the Green-corn Dance, for its sup- posed purifying and mind-stimulating effects. 220 A RANGER WITH OGLETHORPE Women are mostly naked to the Waist wearing only one short Peticoat wch reaches from their Waist a little below their Knees, they are very nice in Smoothing and putting up their hair, it is So very long when untied that it reaches to the Calves of their Legs. Their Houses or Hutts are built with Stakes and plaistered with Clay Mixed with Moss which makes them very warm and Tite. They dress their Meat in Large pans made of Earth and not much unlike our Beehives in England. They do not make use of Mills To grind their Corn in, but in lieu thereof use a Mortar made out of the Stock of a Tree which they cut and burn hollow and then Pound their Corn therein, and when its pounded sufficiently they seperate the husks from the Meal by sifting it thro' a Sieve made of Reeds or Canes. The Chief Business of the Women is Planting Corn and other things and minding the Business of the House, The Men Hunt and Kill Deer, Tur- keys, Geese, Buffaloes, Tygers, Bears, Panthers, Wolves and several other Beasts whose Skins they sell to the Traders for Powder Ball and what other Necessaries they want. August the I2th. We set out from this Town which belonged to the Couettaus ^ to go to a Town of the Causettasu ^ ; As we drew near the Town the King came with English Colours in his Hand attended by his Chief Al^en, We saluted them and they returned the Salute ; The King and his Chief Men conducted the General to their Square where he dined and after Dinner the General went to Captain Wiggins House where he lay that Night. August the lyth. The Indians went into the Square to Dance and some of the English Danced with them which pleased them very well. August the 2ist. His Excellency General Oglethorpe went to the Square to give the Indians the Presents he had Caused to be brought for them, and to Establish that Peace with them which has since been so Beneficial to the English ; He also settled the Trade between the Indians and the Traders. August the ^ Kawita, a Lower Creek town on the Chattahoochee River in Russell County, Alabama. 2 Kashita, a Lower Creek town on the Chattahoochee River, two or three miles below Kawita. 221 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES 25th. The General set out from the Indian Nations on his Way liome. Septr. 12th. The General arrived at ffort Augusta/ the Fort saluted the General with nine Guns, the General staid at the Captn of the Forts House. Septr. 6th. Several of the Cherokee Indians came to the General who Received them with all Tenderness. Septr. 8th. The General went to the Carolina Fort which saluted him with 15 Guns, at Night came down the Cherokee Indians and Saluted the Fort which Returned them 9 Guns. Septr. loth. The Cherokee's came to settle a Peace with the General. Septr. the ijth. This day arrived advices to the General of a Declaration of War with Spain, at noon the General gave the Cherokee Indians their Presents they took their leave of him and returned very well Satisfied. Septr. i6th. The General set out from Fort Augusta and about Seven or Eight Miles from thence we stoped at a Fort belonging to Carolina which saluted the General with 15 Guns, the General staid and Dined there, this Fort is situate on a Hill and Commands two rivers ; near the Fort are about one hundred Houses.^ Septr. lyth. We set out from this Fort and as we were going down the River we met a Trading Boat going to Fort Augusta, the People on board her told us the Negroes in Carolina had raised up in Arms and killed about forty White People. We went to the Uchee Town and from thence to Fort Prince George ^ where we found thirty men come from Purysburg^ to Strengthen the Fort. Septr. 20th. A Negroe came to the General and told him that what was said of the Negroes Rising in Carolinia was True and that they had marched to Stono Bridge where they had Murthered two Storekeepers Cut their Heads off and Set them on the Stairs Robbed the stores of what they wanted and went on ^ Fort Augusta was on the site of the present city of Augusta, Georgia, and was at this time primarily an Indian trading post. 2 This was Fort Moore, on the east bank of the Savannah, six miles below Fort Augusta. ^ Palachocolas Fort, about sixty-four miles above Savannah. ^ A Swiss settlement in South Carolina, twenty-two miles above Savannah. 222 A RANGER WITH OGLETHORPE killing what Men, Women and Children they met, Burning of Houses and Committing other Outrages, and that One hundred Planters who had assembled themselves together pursued them and found them in an open Field where they were Dancing being most of them drunk with the Liquors they found in the Stores, As soon as they saw their Masters they all made off as fast as they Could to a Thicket of Woods excepting One Negroe fellow who came up to his Master his Master asked him if he wanted to kill him the Negroe answered he did at the same time Snapping a Pistol! at him but it mist fire and his Master shot him thro' the Head about fifty of these Villains attempted to go home but were taken by the Planters who Cutt off their heads and set them up at every Mile Post they came to.^ Septr. 23d. The General set out for Savannah and arrived the 24th. Odor. ph. Tomo Cha Chi Mico or King of Yamacrau died greatly Lamented by all his People.^ Octor. 6th. He was buried in the Square facing the Church at Savannah. Novr. ph. The General set out for Frederica and arrived the 8th. Thus ended our Profitable Voyage to the Indian Nations which has been attended with the Success desired, the Friendly Indians annoying the Spaniards very much taking them Prisoners under the very Walls of the Castle of St. Augustine and Especially At the late Invasion when the Spaniards advanced within a Mile of Frederica where they signalized their Bravery and the Love they bore to the English even facing Danger itself by taking and killing every Spaniard I they Came near, besides many other Fatigues and Dangers they underwent which will appear in the Sequel of this Story. After our arrival at Frederica^ on the 14th oj November ^ This was the Stono Slave Insurrection in which about sixty lives were lost. 2 Tomo-chi-chi was chief of the Yamacraw Indians whose habitat was on the banks of the Savannah in the vicinity of Savannah. ^ Frederica was a fortified settlement on Saint Simon's Island at the mouth of the Altamaha. It was founded by Oglethorpe in 1736 as a bulwark against the Spaniards. 223 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES advices came to the General that the Spaniards had been upon the Island of Amelia and had killed two of the Trustees' ^ Servts and Cut of their Heads, but was so terrified for fear of the English coming upon them that they Ran away leaving a Hatchet and Knife behind them. Novr. iph. His Excel- lency General Oglethorpe being designed for the Island of Amelia ordered me to attend him which I accordingly did. We arrived at Amelia about Eleven at Night. Early next morning the General gave orders to surround the Island by Water and he himself would march through the Body of the Island with the Men divided into Small parties wch He accordingly did and Continued so doing till Night but could discover nothing but their Tracts and one of their War Sticks which they had droped in Haste. About Ten at Night the General set out for Frederica and having a fine Gale of Wind arrived at Six next Morning Novr, 23d Hela- spelle and Tooanahowi (Nephew to Tomo Cha Chi afore- mentioned) with Several other Indians Set out for St. Augustine vowing to have Revenge for the two Men killed on Amelia. Novr. 27th. The Spaniards came a Second time on the Island of Amelia and fired at the very Centinels, the Friendly Indians were then there, but they were so Numer- ous the Indians Durst not attack them. December the 3d. His Excellcy General Oglethorpe set out for the Spanish Look out to observe the motions of the Spaniards and see what preparations they were making, taking a body of two hundred men with him ; but they dis- covered us before they could Land and fled to Augustine leaving us the House built for a Look out. We marched along the Beach and came within 25 Miles of the Town of St. Augustine, where we discovered a Party of Don Pedro's ^ Horse with some Indians and Negroes but as soon as they saw us they made the Utmost speed to the Town of St. Augustine and our Indians pursued them till they came to ^ Georgia was founded as a proprietary province, and its pro- prietors constituted a board of trustees. 2 Don Diego Spinola, who was commander of Fort Diego, Florida. 224 A RANGER WITH OGLETHORPE Diego Fort,^ in the Pursuit they killed one Negroe as he was going into Diego Fort and brought his Scalp to the Genl. Who rewarded them very well. Afterwards we went to Frederica where we remained till the first January [when] The General Set out with a Body of i8o Men. We arrived at Talbot Island Janry jd and went from thence to St. George's ^ from whence we saw a Sloop off of the Spanish Look out on St. Juan's Beach, the General endeavour'd to get to her in his Cutter but the Wind blew so fresh it obliged us to return back. The General went to the Spanish Look out and Set me and two more on shore there with orders to make a Fire, that the Sloop might see the Mouth of the River, soon after the General came and took us with him to St. Georges. Janry ^th. The Sloop came over St. Juans Bar and An- chored in the River and the Capt. came ashore and offered his Service to the General to assist him taking the two Forts up the River which the General accepted of. Janry the 6th. The Sloop and Boats came to sail having a fair Wind and went up the River St. Juan about four in the afternoon we Landed on a Point of Land distant about five Miles from the Fort San Francisco de Pupo.^ The Indians went out on discovery but could see nobody so we set forward again and Came to an Anchor close under a Point of Land near the two Forts, here we landed the Indians on the south side of the River to way lay the Path to St. Augustine and to bring Intelligence of what Discoveries they should make, here we lay all night. Early next morning the General went in his Boat to See if he could meet with any of our Indians he soon met with one of them who told him all was Quiet and that we were not discovered and that his Comrades had way ^ Fort Diego was on a rise of ground known as Diego Plains, about five miles from the east bank of the St. Johns River and twenty-five miles west by north of St. Augustine. 2 This was Fort St. George which Oglethorpe had built at the mouth of the St. Johns. Opposite it was the Spanish outpost, or look-out of St. John. ^ Fort San Francisco de Pupo, or St. Francis, was on the west bank of the St. Johns River, about eighteen miles west by north of St. Augustine. 225 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES layed the Path to St. Augustine, hereupon the General re- turned to the Sloop and Boats and ordered them to weigh their Anchors and stand for the Forts which they did and on our way we met some of our Indians in a Canoe who told us the Spaniards at Picolato Fort ^ had discovered us and were fled and our Indians had set fire to their Fort. The Spaniards at San Francisco de Pupo seeing some of our Indians took them for Spanish Indians and man'd a Launch in order to Fetch them over and when they had got about half way over the River they discovered our Boats and Re- turned for their Fort in greater Hast than they set out. The General ordered the Men and Cannon to be Landed under Shelter of a Point of Woods wch was within a Mile of the Fort. As Soon as we had Landed we marched in the Woods till we Came within Musquet Shot of the Fort where we raised a Battery for our Cannon in the mean time keeping them employed with our Small Arms, the firing Continued very hot on both sides 'till such time we had finished our Battery from Which we began to play upon the Fort, the Fire from the Fort seeming to abate the General sent a Drum to Summon them to Surrender the Fort to the English which [ii they did they should have good Quarters, their Answer was "take us if you can." Whereupon our Cannon began to Play a second time upon the Fort very briskly and every Shot taking Place soon obliged them to alter their Tone and Cry for Quarters, which upon their surrendering up the Fort was imediately granted. In this Fort was one Serjt. and a Command of Ten men with one Indian, 7 Peices of Cannon Ammunition Provision and several other Stores. Janry the 8th. The General gave orders for repairing this Fort raising Parapets and Palllsading it all Round, We also mounted three more Cannon besides the Seven Peices which were in the Fort before, also leaving a Detachment of 50 Men with Ammunition and Provision. Janry gth. The General ordered a Detachment of 30 Men of the Regiment and a Party of Indians to go on the other side of the River and ^ Fort Picolata was on the east bank of the St. Johns, a little below Fort San Francisco de Pupo. 226 A RANGER WITH OGLETHORPE see if they could discover any Spaniards, they accordingly went and Discovered a Party of Spanish horse being about 20 or 30 in Number who as soon as they saw the English approach fled. Our Indians pursued but could not come up with any of them. Janry nth. The General set out for St. Simons Island and on his Passage rec[eiv]ed advice that his Majesty's Ship the Flamborough was arrived in Jekyll Sound and that seven more ships of War were on their Pas- sage to assist at the Siege of St. Augustine. Janry the lyth. The General arrived at St. Simons and the igth got to Fred- erica. January the 28th. Came a Boat from San Francisco de Pupo with advice that the Detachment of the Regiment had taken three Spaniards with Letters from St. Mark's to St. Augustine. May the jd. The General set out for the siege of St. Augus- tine with a Body of 600 Men also giving me orders to attend him. We [had] also 150 Indians of Different Nations the Main Body of them being to follow us as Soon as possible with provisions and other Stores. May the 8th. At night we landed at the Spanish Look-out on the Florida side of St, Juan's River [and] here we lay very quiet 'till about four o' th' Clock the next morning, then we sent out a party of about 50 Indians on the Scout who returned at night with a Spanish Negroe who they had taken Prisoner they also pursued six other Spaniards as far as the Fort from which the Spaniards fired several Cannon shot at them but did no Execution, this day arrived two sloops and four Schooners from Charles- town with provisions and men for the Siege. May the loth. The men being landed we proceeded in order To attack a Fort about twenty three Miles distance from St. Augustine. May the nth. We came within shot of the Fort Diego which began to fire at us but did us no hurt. May 12th. We attacked the Fort wth a very hot Fire on the South side they also Con- tinued a brisk fire of their Cannon at us, about 12 o' th' Clock we summoned the Garrison to Surrender the Fort and they should have good Quarters to which they Consented and Delivered the Fort up in which we found 13 Peices of Cannon with Small Arms Ammunition and Provisions also a 227 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Garrison of 48 Men likewise Horses and abundance of Cattle which we drove up and killed for the Use of the Army. The Indians also took one of Don Pedro's Horsemen who was going Express to St. Augustine. The English and Indians so harrassed the Spaniards that they were afraid to appear without the Walls of St. Augustine. May the ijth. We marcht to St. Juan's River where we found Colonel Vanderdusen ^ and part of the Carolina Regiment also Lieutt. Colonel Cook from St. Simons. May the i8th. The General came from Diego he had marcht within two Miles of St. Augustine where were a party of Spaniards being about 400 Men and a Troop of Horse drawn up in a Line Just before the Town but when they discovered the English they ifhedi- ately fled into the Town leaving several Horses which we took. June the ^th. The General went with a Body of 800 Men along the Sea Beach to See if the Spaniards would venture out and hazard a Battle. He marched as far as Moosa a Small Fort about 2^ Mile Distant from St. Augustine and found it Deserted by the Spaniards who on their dis- covering our Troops fled to St. Augustine. We displayed Six Stand of English Colours on the Ramparts to try if we could Provoke the Spaniards to come out and give us Battle but all would not do, so we set Fire to the Fort and returned to Diego, struck the Tents and put them on board the Vessels in order to go to St. Augustine Barr. June the nth. Came up with the Men of War who lay off The Barr of St. Augus- tine to assist at the Siege. June the 12th. The General landed on the Island of St. Eustatia over against the Castle of St. Augustine [and] the Captains of the Men of War landed 400 Men at the same time, a Party of our Indians came up with a party of Spanish Horsemen and killed four. June iph. Capt. Warren went on board a Large Schooner to go over Augustine Barr and ordered the Faulcon Sloop and another Sloop to follow him, when they came to the Bar there was not Water Enough for the Schooner to go over so he was 1 Alexander Vander Dussen, colonel of the regiment which South Carolina had sent to assist Oglethorpe in his operations against St. Augustine. 228 A RANGER WITH OGLETHORPE obliged to stay till next morning but the Faulcon Sloop got in over the Bar that night, the same day we took a Fort near the Castle and hoised our Colours there. June 14th. The Schooner got over the Bar and anchored under the side of a Hill within a mile of the Castle from whence they fired very smartly at us but none of their Balls took Place, the next day I went on shore on the Island of St. Eustatia where I was taken sick and Continued so during the whole time of the Siege afterwards, and at the breaking up of the Siege was sent sick to Frederica. Thus far and to this time I was Constantly with his Excellency General Oglethorpe, being in most or all the Places of Action 'till the day of my being taken Sick. August J ^th, 1741. General Oglethorpe preparing to Cruize on the Spanish Privateers that sculk'd along shore from Saint Augustine ordered me to attend him. He set out on board the St. Philip Guard Sloop, the Schooner Nor- folk and Sloop Faulcon in Company and about 200 Men on board. August the lyth. We went over St. Simons Bar and the igth parted Company with the Sloop Falcon she having sprung her Boltsprit. August the 21st. We dis- covered two Vessels at Anchor off the Bar of St. Augustine it being quite Calm we got out our Boat And towed towards them and the Wind freshning We came up with them apace and soon perceived that one was the Spanish Privateer Sloop of Saint Augustine and the other an English Ship that was her prize. We concluded to let the St. Philip sloop bear down upon the Spanish Privateer give her a Broadside and board her and that the Schooner Norfolk should do the like ; as soon as we came pretty well towards them the Spanish Sloop gave us a broadside which we returned and the Schooner did the like, as to the Ship she had a Launch full of Men ahead towing her over the Bar, and the Sloop after two or three broadsides slipt her Cable and ran over the Bar after the Ship, our Sloop during the Action having got pretty well in with the Bar, the Water was So Shallow we was obliged to wear her for fear of getting amongst the Breakers which broke very high, giving the Spanish Sloop several 229 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES broadsides as we went and a Volley of Small Arms. Several Spanish Galleys which lay within the Bar fired very hotly at us but they were so far within the Harbour their Shot all fell short of us, night coming on we stood to the southward but it falling Calm we came to an Anchor and in the Morn- ing went off the Bar again and lay too for the Spanish Sloop and Galleys to come out but they chose to lay snugg in their Harbour rather than run the Hazard of a Battle. We then tackt and stood for the Matanzas Bar but could discover nothing there So Stood to the Northward. Augt. 24.th. The Schooner Norfolk sprung her Mainmast and we sent our Carpenter on board her and by I2 o' th' Clock made her fit for sailing. Augt. 2^th. We made St. Simons Bar and having a fair wind got in at night and the General went to Frederica. December 14th 1741. His Excellency General Oglethorpe preparing for another Cruize on the Spaniards I also was ordered with him, he set out on board the Guard Schooner Walker having 130 Men on board and the Guard Sloop St. Philips having the like number of Men on board, the same time set out a party of the Couettau Indians (being 40 in Number) to war against the Spaniards. This Cruize we not only thought of annoying the Spanish Privateers but also to destroy a new Fort they were building at the Matanzas. Deer. i^th. We went over the Bar of St, Simons and stood to the Southward. Deer. i6th. The Guard Schooner sprung her Main mast which obliged us to put into St. Simons, the General went on board the Guard sloop St. Phillip and said he would go to the Matanzas Ordering the Captain of the Schooner to make what Dispatch he could after him. Deer. igth. The Schooner being refitted we salld over the Bar of St. Simons and the 20th about noon having a fine Breeze of Wind came off of the Bar of St. Augustine and had sight of the Castle which fired two Guns and we answered them with two false fires. We saw several vessels In the Harbour and two half Galleys seemed to stand for us but did not dare venture too far not even so far as the Bar. So we stood for the Bar of the Matanzas hoping to meet with the Guard Sloop St. Phillip but could see nothing of her, in the 230 A RANGER WITH OGLETHORPE night we stood to the Northward as farr as St. Juan's River when the Wind began to freshen and blew so hard it obliged us to stand for the Offing and keep as much to Seaward as we could. The Wind Still continued to Freshen 'till at last it blew a meer storm. We having two six pounders in the head of the Schooner and she being something by the Head before, it caused her to pitch very much being Sometimes under water and strained her very hard which obliged us to throw the two Six pounders overboard. At Midnight the storm encreased to such a Degree that she would not lye too, when a Sea came in to Windward upon her Deck in such a manner that she taking a Lee roll having her Guns to Lee- ward laid her under Water as far as the Combings of her Hatchway and had not the men been very Brisk in heaving the Leeward Guns overboard I beleive we should never have nghted her, our Boltsprit being gone by the Board, our Mainsail split and foresail all gone to peices also the fore Shrouds, but after the Guns Chests etca. were over board the Vessell righted to the unspeakable Joy of every one on board. It is most Certain we could not have Remained in the Posture we were without the Vessels sinking very soon, she leaking very much and the Pumps both stopped with Sand with which she was Ballast, here we lay at the Mercy of the Wind and Sea till the 2jd at night, our Anchor which was ^ threw overboard (after our Boltsprit was Carried away) brought us up and we reckoned ourselves on Cape Canoveral shoals about two o' th' Clock in the Morning we stood for the offing. The 26th We had an Observation and found our- selves 36 Miles to the Southward of St. Simons Bar. Deer. 28th. We saw a Sail to the SoIuth]ward of us there being little wind we came to Sail and sent our Boat ahead to discover what she was, they found her to be a New York Sloop bound for Frederica, the Wind springing up in the Evening We and the New York Sloop went into Jekyll Sound. Deer. 2gth. The Guard Sloop St, Philip arrived having the General on board and a ship from Bristol in Company which they found 1 We. 231 I TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES in Distress at Sea and after having releived lier Convoyed her into this Port to the great Joy of everybody on board her who expected every Moment to be lost or to fall into the Hands of the Enemy. May the 2gth, 1742. Came Intelligence to his Excellency General Oglethorpe from the Rangers Camp at the White Post on the Main, that Lieutt Scroggs had discovered some Spanish Indians. Whereupon the General ordered me over (with two Horses to assist) that if Possible we could come up with any of them and take them. We accordingly went out and one of our men discovered a Spanish Indian sitting upon a Stump whereupon he fired at him and wounded him but the Indian made his Escape from him. We continued Scouting about for him Several days but could discover none of them, we found several of the places where they had Camped, and where they had pulled the Palmettoes up by the Roots to eat, but they finding themselves discovered had taken the Rout to St. Augustine without being able to Carry any prisoners or Intelligence. June 22d^ 1742- Intelligence came to his Excellency Gen- eral Oglethorpe that several Sail of Spanish Vessels were seen off Fort William ^ and Cumberland the former of which Places they had attempted but were repulsed by the Guard Schooner Walker, The General imediately upon receiving these advices mounted bis Horse and rode to St. Simons. June 24th. The Spanish Galleys being off of Cumberland Island The General went on board his Cutter taking me with j him and ordered me to take my Bridle Saddle etca. with me, \ we went to the South End of Jekyll Island the General | ordered a Detachment of the Regiment to go on board one j of the Scout boats and follow him, there was another Scout ] Boat having a Detachment of the Regiment on board in , Company. We were in all three Boats, the Genl. stood over ] the sound for Cumberland, when the Spanish Fleet (being | 13 SaU) saw our three Boats going across the Sound, they j i 1 Fort William was at the south end of Cumberland Island, where j It commanded the entrance to St. Marys River. 232 J A RANGER WITH OGLETHORPE stood for us and having the Wind and a strong Tide with them soon came so near us that a Smart Engagement ensued, We fired very hotly at them and they at us. The Scout Boat where Lieutent Sterling and Ens[ig]n Chamberlain was kept up with us and fired very hotly at the Spaniards. The other Scout Boat with Lieutt. Tolson on board and a Detach- ment of the Regiment went off and made her Escape up the River in the Main. The General and the other Boats fought Their way through the Spaniards and got to St. Andrews ^ from whence he drew off the Garrison Stores etca. and reinforced Fort William. June the 2^th. The General went on board the Guard Schooner Walker and returned to St. Simons to the great Joy of all the People who imagined he was Cut off". I continued here with the other Rangers Scouting along St. Simons beach watching the Motions of the Spaniards, when I and two of Captain Jones's Rangers had orders to Swim over the fourth Creek and make a Fire at the fifth Creek (in attempting which one Burns had been drowned two Days before) We accordingly striped ourselves leaving our Horses with the Party of Rangers who were to secure our Retreat. We swam over the fourth Creek taking our Arms with us and made a Fire at the fifth Creek accord- ing to our orders and returned, the Spanish Fleet lying then close under the Shore and the place where we made the Fire being within Shot of them. July the ph. The Spanish fleet having a Fair and fresh Gale of Wind with a strong Tide of Flood under foot came into the Harbour, as they came in one after another I sat on my horse up to the Saddle in Water and kept loading and firing my Peice at them, when I was ordered with another Ranger having some Indians with us to go into the wood right agst where the Spanish Fleet came to an Anchor and Shew ourselves and bring an Account if they Attempted to Land. As soon as they discovered us the Galleys fired several of their nine pounders at us. I con- tinued going to and fro along the Beach observing their Motions till Eleven o' th' Clock at night, then I was ordered ^ Fort St. Andrews, on the northeast coast of Cumberland Island. 233 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES to follow the General up to the Battery where his Excellency and Captain Carr stood 'till the Great Guns and Mortars were Naild or Burst. The Regiment having marcht to Frederica to Secure that place the Spanish Fleet being at the Mouth of that River and Seem'd as if they designed to attack Frederica by Water. About 12 o' th' Clock the General ordered the Union Flag which was at the Battery to be struck I having the honour of bringing it to Frederica. As I was coming up I found a sick man upon the Road whom I took upon my horse and brought safe to Town. July the ph. Five Rangers were ordered out upon the Scout to discover what Motions the Enemy were making and bring what horses they could meet with to Town, and William Small, Ranger of Capt. Jones's Troop, was Shot through the Leg and thigh and his horse killed under him. The other four Returned with this Intelligence to the General, his Excellency imedi- ately mounted his Horse followed by the Rangers Highland Company and Indians, his timely presence and Care gave us all such Courage and Activity that we killed Chased and put to flight this Body of Spaniards and Yamasee Indians. I was close by the General when he took Salvador Roman, a Spanish Grenadier, Prisoner. In our pursuit Lieutt. Robt, Scroggs of the Troop of English Rangers took Prisoner Captain Sebastian Sanchez for which and other Services he is since made Captain of the said Troop. We pursued the Spaniards half way down to St. Simons where we were ordered to halt, soon after came up to our Assistance i Captain 2 Lieutenants and 2 Ensigns with a Detachment of the Regiment, His Excellency posting the Detachment of the Regiment on one side of the Road and the Highland Company and Rangers on the other side with a Savannah or Meadow in the Front of them that they might be ready to give the Onset to the Spaniards if they should attempt to march towards Frederica again. The Spaniards hearing of the Fate their first Party met with sent out another of 300 Men under the Command of Don Antonio Barbara Captain of a Company of Grenadiers ; about three o' th' Clock in the afternoon the Spaniards 234 A RANGER WITH OGLETHORPE advanced up to the Place where we were Posted and some of them being Come within our Lines a Sharp Fire continued on all hands and betwixt both parties for some time. The Spaniards fell in great Numbers amongst which was Several Officers and also that Famous Captain of Grenadiers ; the Number of the Spaniards was so great and their Fire so brisk, that some Platoons of ours gave way and were Retiring in Confusion but the timely presence of the General pre- vented their Retiring far. He imediately ordered them to Rally, riding himself up to the Place where he found Lieutt Sutherland and Lieutt Charles Mackay with the Highlanders and Rangers had Entirely defeated the Spaniards. We lost not one Man in the two Attacks but one Mr. Maclane a Highland Gentleman who running very hard in pursuit of the Enemy spoiled the Circulation of his Blood and died Soon after he was brought to Town. The Spaniards after this never ventured out beyond their out Centinels who were also Fortified. I having been often out by order observing their Motions and within Musquet shot of them, The Rangers and Indians were always so near them that nine Spaniards were shot in their Camp as they were Eating. July i§th. The Spaniards in great Confusion Quit St. Simons and go on board their Vessels and some go to Sea and Some within Land to St. Andrews. The General followed them and Landed a Man on Cumberland Island with a Letter for the Commanding Officer at Fort William in sight of fourteen Sail of Vessels belonging to the Spanish Fleet who lay in the Sound at the Same time. The man got Safe to Fort William and told them the Spaniards were drove off of St. Simons Island which put new Life as it were into the People. The General having received advices by Captn Gibson Commander of the Beauford Galley that there was ten sail of Spanish Vessels in St. Juans River Ion] July the l8th he set out in his Cutter for the said River to Discover what strength they were of, also ordering me to attend him. We arrived in St. Juans River and Landed on the Florida side, here we found a Camp the Enemy had made and Several huts and houses of Palmetto also two Cedar Crosses. His Q 235 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Excellency dined In one of the Houses then burnt their Camp and Carried the Crosses with him to Fort William. July the 24th. The General went out of Amelia Inlet in the Guard Schooner Walker and Joyned Capt. Francklyn in his Majestys Ship the Rose and the other Men of War and Vessells fitted out by Carolina and Georgia. [As] we Cruized off of the Bar of St. Augustine [and] the half Galleys appeared within the Bar, Capt. Hardy ^ had orders from the Comma- dore to attack them with the Small Craft but not to go over the Bar. With him the General went in one of his own Scout Boats a Voluntier. I also went in the Same Boat. We had one Man killed and two Wounded and the Boats Boom carried away by one of their nine pounders. Some of the Spanish half Galleys were disabled. The General was very desirous to go over the Barr but Captain Hardy had positive orders to the Contrary, and night Coming on which obliged us to Return to the Fleet. The next day the Fleet sailed for the Matanzas. The General went in his Boat to sound the Bar, in order to destroy a new Fort the Span- iards have began there and is not yet finished. The Swell was so great it was impossible to Land them. We found 3^ fathom Water within less than Cannon Shot of the Fort. We returned to the Fleet hoping they would have Landed as soon as the swell was Fallen. The Sky looked very wild and seemed to threaten a hard Gale therefore Capt. Francklyn acquainted the General it was necessary to go off the Coast and Disperse the Fleet which was accordingly Done, Capt. Franklyn and the Carolina Fleet going to Charles Town, Capt. Hardy Continued cruizeing, Capt. Hamar conducted the Genl. and Georgia Craft off of the Bar where we arrived the 4th September. ^ Charles Hardy, commander of the South Carolina fleet. 236 I JOURNAL OF ANTOINE BONNEFOY, 1741-1742 I. I t.-^ 4 i INTRODUCTION Antoine Bonnefoy seems to have left no other record of himself than this Journal^ and interest in this centers in the Cherokee treatment of him as a prisoner and in his "Pierre Albert" who was instrumental in enabling him to escape. Since Colonel Chicken's visit in 1726 the English traders from Charleston had carried to the Cherokees the germs of smallpox, which in 1738 proved fatal to nearly- one half their number. They complained that they had been poisoned, and some of their towns began dealing with the French. Oglethorpe met a delegation of them at Augusta in September, 1739, on his return from the Creek assembly at Kawita, and in a measure healed the breach. The French, however, were no less active than the Eng- lish. In 1736 they engaged Christian Priber, a German Jesuit, to alienate the Cherokees from the English. Priber, a man of culture who spoke Latin, French, Spanish, Ger- man, and English, took up his residence at Tellico, donned Cherokee dress, adopted the Cherokee manner of living, learned to speak their language, rendered himself generally useful, and won confidence and esteem. When thus strongly intrenched, he began to inspire hatred of the English and love of the French. He brought about the coronation of a Cherokee chief as king of the "Cherokee Confederacy," secured for himself the office of royal secretary, and pro- jected the establishment of an unbridled communistic society at Kashita, in the Creek country. Learning of his activities, the authorities of South Carolina demanded his surrender, but the Cherokees refused to give him up. In 1743, however, while he was passing through the Upper Creek country on his way to Mobile, he was captured by some traders and taken to Frederica, Georgia, where he died after a brief confinement In the barracks. Priber was none 239 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES other than Bonnefoy's "Pierre Albert" who was sorry for the French prisoners, who spoke English and French "quite fluently," who "wrote German, Latin, English, and French with equal correctness," who was wanted by the Governor of Carolina, and for whose communistic project the prisoners "agreed to feign enthusiasm" as a means of promoting their plan of escape. A manuscript copy of Bonnefoy's journal (French) is in the Archives Nationales, Paris : Colonies F. 3 : 24, ff. 361- 371. The translation which is here printed is by Dr. J. Franklin Jameson. 240 JOURNAL OF ANTOINE BONNEFOY, 1741-1742 Journal of Antoine Bonnefoy, containing the circumstances of his captivity among the Cherokee Indians, from his depar- ture from New Orleans in August, 1741, in the pirogue of the Sieur Chauvin dit Joyeuse, of whom he was an engage^ till his arrival among the Allibamous. The convoy destined for the Illinois, composed of three bateaux and . . . pirogues, of the year 1741, was com- manded by the Sieur De Villers, officer. The enrolment, including officers and traders, of this convoy was of 28 men in each bateau and eight or nine in each of the pirogues. This convoy set out from New Orleans the 22d of August 1741. The pirogue in which I was, followed the convoy till within sight of the River Ouabache,^ where we arrived the 14th of November, at evening, and passed the night at that place. On the i^th the convoy set out again as usual at day- break, and our boat went in its usual order till seven o'clock, when the commander caused the bateaux to cross the river and signalled to follow him. The Sieur Marin, voyageur, whose pirogue was in front of us, asked Legras (the Sieur Joyeuse having been sent from the Arkansas to the Illinois by land had given the command of this boat to one Legras) if he was not in favor of continuing on our course without crossing the river. Unwisely, being agreed, we continued on our route in company. An hour after having left the bateaux, we perceived at the entrance to a little bayou, a ' By interchange of names, the Ouabache (Wabash) River appears on maps of this period as a tributary of the Mississippi, namely the Ohio, while the name Ohio River is given to its tribu- tary, the Wabash. 341 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES quarter of a league from the mouth of the Wabash, a num- ber of pirogues tied to the shore. We examined their appearance and took them for Illinois and Missouris. The savages from these pirogues, who were on the land and of whom we did not perceive a single one, had disembarked 20 fathoms above their boats. The pirogue of the Sieur Marin, which we had formerly followed, was at this time behind ours. There were eight men of us in each. Under these circumstances, and under the impression that the savages were Illinois or Missouris, we came around the bayou and the boats, up to the place of ambush, where a first discharge of muskets from the savages instantly killed our skipper and two of our oarsmen, and wounded two men in the other boat, which, being behind, had time to make off and was saved. The savages directed so heavy a fire upon our boat that we were obliged to lie down flat, to escape certain death. Immediately 20 of these savages got into their boats to hasten after the pirogue of the Sieur Marin, who escaped from them. A moment afterward, these same pirogues came and sur- rounded us. The shore was lined with the other savages, who were aiming at us. The surprise, and the death of our skipper and of two of our oarsmen, having put us out of condition to defend ourselves, we surrendered at discretion, to the number of four Frenchmen and one negro, and were seized, each by one of the savages, who made him his slave. Brought to the land, we were tied separately, each with a slave's collar around the neck and the arms merely, with- out however depriving us of freedom to eat and to pergailler when in the sequel we were ordered to do so. This action took place in sight of the bateaux, which had become distant only to the extent of the breadth of the river. The commander contented himself with hoisting his flag on his bateau, without giving us any aid. We however remained all day in the same place. The savages who had taken possession of us proved to be Cherakis,^ instead of * Cherokees. 242 JOURNAL OF ANTOINE BONNEFOY Chicachas ^ as we had thought at the time of the firing. The convoy entertained the same opinion, following the information given them at New Orleans. When we had been bound with these collars the savages, having found in our boat what had been intended for our breakfast, brought it to us to eat, and gave us to understand by signs that no harm should come to us, and that we should be even as themselves. They then unloaded our boat, and distributed the goods equally among the 80 men of the party, with the exception of the iron and three kegs of rum, which they left in the boat, having filled all their kettles and even three barrels in which the powder had been — after having divided up the latter. I observed that these savages were careful not to spoil the goods they could not take away. They passed the day of the i^th in packing their merchandise, till night, when they embarked in 22 boats, with two, three, four, or five men in each according to its size. My companions in misfortune, and I, followed our masters, bound in the manner I have described. The party took up its course, paddling without making the least noise, along the River Ouabache ^ till six o'clock the next morning, then rested about two hours, during which time they broiled some meat they had found in our pirogue when we were captured. They gave us (as they always did) a portion equal to theirs, after which they resumed their paddles, and gave us each one, after having made us each drink, as with the first meal, the evening before, a cup of rum. I bathed a wound I had received in the knee, from a musket-shot in that first discharge ; after which I was not further troubled by it. It was not so with the negro, whose wounds began from that day to become worse. We embarked again, as I have just said, and continued down the Ouabache ^ to the River of the Cherakis,"* which leads up to the village of those savages and falls into the former river thirteen leagues from its junction with the River St. ^ Chickasaws. * Up the Ohio. ^ Up the Ohio River. •* Tennessee River. 243 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Louis or Missipi. When evening had come the savages landed at the mouth of the river, and passed the night there, and made stocks to keep us in safety. In these my three comrades were set, who were : Joseph Rivard, son of the Sieur Rivard of Bayou St. Jean,^ Pierre Coussot, son of Coussot the pilot at the Belaxy^ in 1719, Guillaume Potier, half-breed, son of Potier, habitant of the Illinois, and Legras's negro. The savage to whom I belonged did not wish that I should be put in the stocks. The next day we entered into their river, which they did not leave till the third of February, marching and hunting on alternate days, till we were four days by land from their first village. The 20th of December my savage took off my slave's collar. Rivard and Potier kept theirs a fortnight, and Coussot a month. They were not put in the stocks except the first four days, and then only during the night. At the beginning of January we were adopted by men of promi- nence in the party. I was adopted as brother by a savage who bought me of my master, which he did by promising him a quantity of merchandise, and giving me what at that time I needed, such as bed-coverings, shirts, and mittens, and from that time I had the same treatment as himself. My companions were adopted by other savages, either as nephews or as cousins, and treated in the same manner by their liberators and all their families. The same day on which my collar was taken off, the negro, whose wounds had grown worse, was set at liberty, and the head man of the party told him to return to the French, but not knowing where to go, he followed the pirogues for two days. On the third, which was the 23rd of December^ the savages, tired of seeing him, gave him over to the young people, who killed him and took his scalp. On January 10 or 11 our party met a troop of savages, Chicachas. They, recognizing each other as friends, nego- tiated, and made several exchanges of merchandise and ^ A trading post on the Bayou Saint John at the south side of Lake Pontchartrain. ^ Biloxi. 244 JOURNAL OF ANTOINE BONNEFOY slaves, smoked together, and prepared to continue on their routes as we had begun. In the course of this river, which I estimate as 450 leagues from the Ouabache to the first village of our savages, there are three waterfalls. The first is situated about half way up. The portage is about one- quarter of a league. The second is eight days' journey further up. The portage amounts to a good league. At this place the river is two leagues broad, and rolls its waters like a cascade, a league long, in the shape of a hill, like that of the portage which we were obliged to make. The third, at which we arrived on the first of February, has a portage of only about 100 paces. The river at this place is extremely rapid, and generally is so, more and more, from this upper- most fall to the place where we left it, February j, to make the rest of our journey by land. The savage who had adopted me gave me, before setting out upon the march, a gun, some powder, and some bullets. The pirogues having been unloaded, each savage carried, as well as ourselves, his pack of booty. We immediately set out on the march, and on the seventh arrived in sight of the first village, which was called Chateauke and Talekoa,^ which are two different councils, though the cabins are mingled together indistinguishably. At the first sight of our savages, all the men ran out to the place where we then were, for the ceremony customary among this nation. Our clothes were taken off, and a stock was made for each of us, without, however, putting us in it ; they merely put on us our slave's- collar. Then the savages, putting in each one's hand a white stick and a rattle, told us that we must sing, which we did for the space of more than three hours, at different times, singing both French and Indian songs, after which they gave us to eat of all that the women had brought from the village, bread of different sorts, sagamite (corn porridge), buffalo meat, bear meat, rabbit, sweet potatoes, and grau- mons.^ We passed the night at this place. The next day, ^ TelHco, a Cherokee town on the Tellico River near its junction with the Little Tennessee. ^ Grapes ( .''). 24s TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES February 8, in the morning, the savages having matache themselves according to their custom, matacherent our whole bodies, having left us nothing but our breeches, made the entry into their village in the order of a troop of infantry, marching four in each rank, half of them in front of us, who were placed two and two after being tied together, and having our collars dragging. The rest of the savages made the rear guard in the order of the prisoners ( ?). They made us march in this order, singing, and having, as we had had the evening before, a white stick and a rattle in our hands, to the chief square of the village and march three or four times around a great tree which is in the middle of that place. Then they buried at the foot of the tree a parcel of hair from each one of us, which the savages had preserved for that purpose from the time when they cut our hair off. After this march was finished they brought us into the council-house, where we were each obliged to sing four songs. Then the savages who had adopted us came and took away our collars. I followed my adopted brother who, on entering into his cabin, washed me, then, after he had told me that the way was free before me, I ate with him, and there I remained two months, dressed and treated like himself, without other occupation than to go hunting twice with him. We were absent thirteen days the first time and nine days the last. At the time when we arrived in the village there were three English traders there, who each had a store-house in the village where I was, and two servants of theirs. There was also a German, who said in French that he was very sorry for the misfortune which had come upon us, but that it would perhaps prove to be our happiness, which he pro- posed to show us in the sequel. I also found in the same village a son of Andre Crespe and also Jean Arlois of Bordeaux, who both had gone up the river In 1740 in the boat of the Sieur Turpin, who was. defeated five leagues from the River Ouabache along with the boat of Liberge and Pettit. The party of Cherake savages which defeated these boats was 70 men. The 246 JOURNAL OF ANTOINE BONNEFOY same party defeated five Canadian voyageurs in the Oua- bache the same year, and killed 25 out of 28, having two men killed and one wounded. The action has been differ- ently related by the three Canadians who escaped. We found also a negro and a negress who formerly belonged to the widow Saussier, and having been sold in 1739 to a Cana- dian, deserted when on the Ouabache, on their way to Canada, and were captured by a troop of Cheraquis who brought them to the same village where I found them. February 12^ Rivard and Coussot followed, to a village five leagues from that where I lived, the two savages who had ransomed and adopted them. Cussot deserted from there 15 days after, and was lost six days in the woods, into which he had retreated because of a panic he had at the village where he was, and to which he did not return again. The savage who adopts a captive promises a quantity of merchandise to the one to whom he belongs at the moment when he buys him. This merchandise is collected from all the family of the one who makes the purchase, and is de- livered in an assembly of all the relatives, each one of whom brings what he is to give and delivers it, piece by piece, to him who sold the slave, and at the receipt of each piece he makes the rounds of the assembly, constantly carrying what has been given to him, it being forbidden to lay down any piece on the ground, for then it would belong to whoever touched it first. The collection of my ranson was made on the Qth and loth and the ceremony on the nth} The iph, the ceremony of our enfranchisement having been made on the preceding day, I had occasion to ask the German, who was called Pierre Albert, who had accosted us on the day of our arrival, and who was lodging in the cabin of my adopted brother, what he wished me to understand. I prayed him to explain to me what was this alleged happi- ness which he promised us. Guillaume Potier and Jean Arlut were present. He replied that it would take time to explain to us what he had to say to us, addressing himself * This paragraph is written in the margin of the manuscript. 247 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES to all three ; that he thought we ought to join his society ; that he would admit us to an establishment, in France, of a republic, for which he had been working for twenty- years ; that the form of the government should be that of a general society of those composing it, in which, beyond the fact that legality should be perfectly observed, as well as liberty, each would find what he needed, whether for subsistence, or the other needs of life ; that each should contribute to the good of the society, as he could. I told him, as did my two comrades, that we were disposed to join him as soon as he should have shown us some security respecting his establishment. The next day we got together again and I began to ask him where he had learned French, which he spoke quite fluently. He told me that, being of a good family, he had been instructed in all that a man ought to know ; that after having completed his studies, he had learned English and French ; that he spoke these two languages with a little difficulty so far as the pronunciation was concerned, but that he wrote German, Latin, English and French with equal correctness ; that for twenty years he had been work- ing to put into execution the plan about which he had talked to us ; that seven or eight years before he had been obliged to flee from his country, where they wished to arrest him for having desired to put his project into execution ; that he had gone over to England, and from there to Carolina, and had also been obliged to depart thence for the same reason, i8 months after having arrived there; that having found among the Cherakis a sure refuge he had been work- ing there for four years upon the establishment which he had been planning for twenty ; that the Governor of Carolina having discovered the place of his retreat had sent a com- missioner to demand him of the savages there, but that then he was adopted into the nation, and that the savages, rejecting the presents of the English, had refused to give him up ; that he had lOO English traders belonging to his society who had just set out for Carolina, whence they were to return the next autumn, after having got together a con- 248 JOURNAL OF ANTOINE BONNEFOY siderable number of recruits, men and women, of all con- ditions and occupations, and the things necessary for lay- ing the first foundations of his republic, under the name of the Kingdom of Paradise ; that then he would buy us from the savages, of whom a large number were already instructed in the form of his republic and determined to join it ; that the nation in general urged him to establish himself upon their lands, but that he was determined to locate himself half way between them and the Alibamons,^ where the lands appeared to him of better quality than those of the Cherakis, and there he would be disposed to open a trade with the English and French ; that in his republic there would be no superiority ; that all should be equal there ; that he would take the superintendence of it only for the honor of estab- lishing it ; that otherwise his condition would not be dif- ferent from that of the others ; that the lodging, furniture and clothing should be equal and uniform as well as the life ; that all goods should be held in common, and that each should work according to his talents for the good of the republic ; that the women should live there with the same freedom as the men ; that there should be no marriage contract, and that they should be free to change husbands every day ; that the children who should be born should belong to the republic, and be cared for and instructed in all things that their genius might be capable of acquiring; that the law of nature should be established for the sole law, and that transgressions should be punished by their contrast, as in the case of the taillon} Note. The individual was to have as his only property a chest of books and paper and ink.^ My comrades and I planned our flight, and agreed to- gether to feign enthusiasm for the execution of the project of Pierre Albert, who had the confidence of the savages, and they left us at liberty with him. I noticed even, on difi'erent occasions, that he urged them to live peaceably 1 Alibamu, or Alabama Indians. ^ A feudal tax supplementary to the taille. ' This note is in the margin of the manuscript. 249 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES and to ask peace from the French. The savage with whom I lived, who was one of the principal men of the nation, and the other chiefs, sometimes asked me in what manner they could appease the French and bring them to their place to trade. I told them that it would be necessary for them to send a calumet of peace to the nearest post ; that I supposed that would be the post of the Alibamons.^ They told me that they had already been there, but that they feared the savages of those regions,^ with whom they were not on good terms ; that they did not wish to have any new war — in this entering into the peaceful spirit of Pierre Albert. 1 told them, with regard to the trade into which they wished to bring the French, that our Limbourgs ^ and guns, being better than those of the English, would cost them twice as many furs as they now paid, but at the same time our merchandise was much more durable ; that a pound of our powder had twice as much effect as a pound of the Eng- lish. This they seemed quite to understand. They even had in mind to send a calumet of peace at the time when I escaped. Note. They know inches and measures and have steel- yards which Pierre has made them.* While Pierre Albert and I were working toward peace the three English traders were daily instigating the savages to continue to make war upon us. They were themselves working to enlist parties ; which I saw them doing some days before my flight. After having had their drum beaten by one of their negroes who was a drummer, and enlisted 70 men, they distributed among them, from their store- houses, the munitions necessary for going to the Ouata- mons,^ as well against the savages as against the voyageurs of Canada. Of the 52 villages which compose the nation ^ Alabama Fort, or Fort Toulouse, at the confluence of the Coosa and Tallapoosa rivers. 2 Creeks and Choctaws. ' Limbourg was a kind of French cloth. * This note is in the margin of the manuscript. * Weas. 250 JOURNAL OF ANTOINE BONNEFOY of the Cherakis, only the eight which are along the river are our enemies. The other villages remain neutral, either because of their remoteness or their spirit of peace. Caro- lina is 15 days' journey by land from the village where I was, Virginia 20, and the Alibamonts 10 to the south, reckoning to the first village, Conchasbekas,^ which is three days' journey from the French Fort Toulouse. A fortnight after we had arrived among the Cherakis I saw in the village where I was 15 Natches, four of whom came into our cabin. They told me that they were going hunting among the Chicachas, to seek 15 of their men who were still there ; that on their return they were to have a village of 75 men. I asked them if there were still some among the Ouyachitas. They told me that those who had been there were almost all caken captive, but that the rest had rejoined them. The 2gth of April a day on which the savages had given themselves up to a debauch, was that which we chose for our escape. We had got together a sufficient amount of ammunition. We went out from the village at nine o'clock in the evening. Jean Arias had his gun. Coussot was not armed, not having been able to take his from the cabin where he was. Guillaume Potier, who was in our plot, having got drunk with the savages, was not in condition to go with us, and we could not wait longer for him without risk of being discovered. We marched until daylight, going to find two pirogues that were in a little river six leagues from the village. In one of these we embarked, but were obliged to abandon it after an hour and a half of progress. We found the river barred by a great tree which did not leave enough space to send the boat under it, but on the other hand, was too high, and the boat too heavy, to admit of passing it over, which we made many ineffectual ^ The identity of this place has not been established ; but about this time there was in the Upper Creek country — N. by E. of Fort Toulouse — a village named by the French Conchaques, whose inhabitants spoke a dialect almost identical with the Alabamas. R 251 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES attempts to do. In this extremity we were obliged to take a false course on the joth of April and ist and 2nd of May to the north and northwest, and found ourselves at evening on the banks of the river, which we crossed. We put our- selves ten leagues from the village, and continued our false route in the same direction on the jd, ph and £th. It was now five days that we had fasted, not having dared to shoot. We killed a calf and the next day a cow. We rested on the 6th and jth, when, after having held a little council on the course we ought to take for our safety, I was determined that we should make our march along the river, where we planned to make a raft to take us to the place where the savages had left their boats when they carried us into slavery. Our plan was to take ourselves to the Illinois by the same route on which they had taken us. We arrived on the nth on the banks of the river, made a raft of canes, upon which we loaded our meat and our ammunition, which we lashed to the raft in the same parcel with Jean Arlas's gun, keeping mine for need. We proceeded seven or eight leagues further north than we had been, had passed the place where the pirogues were, and were surprised to find our- selves at the first waterfall. We struggled to get to the shore, and reached a great tree which was six fathoms from the bank. Our raft fell foul of it. All the forward part sunk about six feet. Arias and Coussot, who were on the forward part, cast their arms about the tree. Then the raft raised and freed itself, and carried me along without my being able to stop it and passed the fall without breaking up. The current was so great that, though I was near the land, it was impossible for me to stop the raft until a league and a half below, where I expected my comrades would come and find me. I fired several shots to let them know where I was during the three days that I remained there waiting for them, without result. This made me think that they were lost. My gun, my powder horn, and my pouch were lost with my comrades, but I recovered the gun of Arias with our ammunition, and a little meat upon which I lived for four days. On the 15th, not having seen any mark or 252 JOURNAL OF ANTOINE BONNEFOY heard any signal on the part of my comrades, I pushed off, and went down stream for two days and a half. On the third day, which was the lyth of the month, I landed on the side of the Alibamons, and took my way southward over a hilly country for nine days and a half. On the 2'jth of May I arrived at the first Alibamon village, Conchabaka, by a beaten path which I encountered on the seventh day of my march, which led me to the end of the river of the Allibamons, on the other side of which is the Indian village, which, however, I could not see. I fired my gun three times at a venture, and the savages replied, firing one. Immediately after I perceived many people on the bank of the stream, several men to whom I signalled to come and bring me over the river. They questioned me much, tak- ing me for an enemy, and fearing that I had come to lay a snare for them and to take from them some scalps, as had happened to them a short time before. I spoke to them in French and in Mobillian, which, after two hours of ques- tions, caused them to make up their minds who I might be and where I came from. One of these savages crossed up above me without my seeing him, and after having dis- covered me and seen that I was alone and a Frenchman, he took me across to his village. They gave me to eat, which I did with avidity, for I had fasted five days, my gun having failed me at need every time that I had occasion to use it. After I had eaten, the savage, in whose house I was, took me into the council house. When I was there a council was held respecting me, though I did not know it. All the people of the village having taken their arms surrounded the cabin. The chief of the village was absent, and it was proposed to give me to the English. There were then in that village six Englishmen from Carolina and a detach- ment of about 15 Chicachas who were there to escort the English to their village. The English and the Chicachas wished to prove to the Conchabekas that it was for their interest to give me up to the English. The greater part of the village were of that opinion, but he who brought me over 2S3 TRA^'ELS Di THE AMERICAN COLONIES opposed it in such way that he prevailed, saying that I belonged to him ; that none of them had been brave enough to go and seek me when I called them ; he would dispose of me, and would take me, as I had requested him, to the chief of the French among the Alibamons, whose friend he wished to be. During the time that I was in the council-house, the English came and gave me their hands, inquiring in the Chicachas language respecting my adventures, and how I had been able to come where I was. I told them in the Mobilian language, which they understood, that having been taken by the Cherakis in December, I had escaped from their villages a month before, and that I had been compelled, after having lost my two comrades, who had escaped with me, to take my flight in the direction of the Alibamons, being no longer in a state to proceed to the Illinois, as had been our first plan. They took me to their store-houses, where they gave me to eat, and wished to engage me to follow them to Carolina, which I refused to do, and returned to the cabin of my savage. Then the 15 Chicachas came to see me, and asked me the same questions as the English had just asked. They then asked why the French did not give them peace, saying that the Chactas ^ vexed them continually. To all this I replied that they ought not to expect peace until they had driven the Eng- lish from their villages ; that moreover it could not be true that they wished peace, since they struck at us every day. They assured me that with the exception of a party of young people, which had acted contrary to the consent of the nation, the last year at Pointe Coupee,^ they were a people who had struck no blow ; that I could see clearly that those which had been ascribed to them had been inflicted by the Cherakis. I told them that in that case it would be necessary to make known to the Great French Chief the dispositions which they wished me to understand that their nation entertained : First, by driving out all Englishmen, * Choctaws. ' A French settlement on the lower Mississippi. 254 I JOURX.\L OF .\NTOIXE BOXNEFOY and secondly by settling the Natchez in the environs of the Riviere a Margot upon the Missisipy, and breaking forever with the English, because as long as they received them they would engage the Indians always in some enter- prise against us. To this they agreed. I smoked with them the same day, and the next, which was th^ 28th of May. The 2gth, in the morning, I set out upon the march, escorted by two savages, to go to the post of the French, where I arrived on the first of Juru, which was the last day of my captivity. Monsieur Derneville, captain, com- manded at this post, who, though I had ser\-ed under him not long before my journey, did not recognize me until after I had been named to him, so much was I disfigured. He gave a present to the savages who had served me so well, and I told him the adventures of my journey, as stated in the present journal. ^55 •i I JOURNAL OF DE BEAUCHAMPS' JOURNEY TO THE CHOCTAWS, 1746 I INTRODUCTION The Choctaw Indians in De Beauchamps' time occupied most of tlie territory from the Tombigbee River westward to the Mississippi and on account of their number, upwards of ten thousand, were among the most powerful of the southern tribes. A number of them having been sold into slavery by the South Carolinians, they were, immediately after the founding of Mobile, in 1702, easily persuaded to abandon the English and ally themselves with the French. They continued united in their adherence to the French until 1735 when, at the "pressing engagement of a prime magistrate" of South Carolina, James Adair of Charleston undertook to open a trade with them. Adair at that time was near the beginning of his forty years of experience as a trader among the southern red men, from which he wrote The History of the American Indians. He gained an au- dience with Red Shoe, a Machiavellian chief, at an oppor- tune moment of his resentment toward an offending French- man, satisfied him that whisky and ammunition could be had from the English at lower prices than from the French, and from that day until the end of the French-English conflict in America the Choctaws were divided into English and French factions. In March, 1746, while the French party were gone to Mobile to receive their presents. Red Shoe was busy attempt- ing to bring about peace between the Choctaws and the Chickasaws, who were adherents of the English. The chiefs of the French party returning in time to defeat his efforts. Red Shoe, in a fit of anger, ordered the assassination of Chevalier de Verbois and two other Frenchmen, and it was for the purpose of exacting satisfaction for this act that 259 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES De Beauchamps undertook the mission of which the journal here printed is an account. Little is known of De Beauchamps except what may be learned from his journal. A manuscript copy of this is in the Archives Nationales, Paris : Colonies F 3 : 24, ff. 422- 445. The translation from the French which is here printed is by Mr. Waldo GifFord Leland. 26c JOURNAL OF DE BEAUCHAMPS' JOURNEY TO THE CHOCTAWS, 1746 Louisiana. The 28th August 1746. Journal of the Journey of Monsieur De Beauchamps, Cheva- lier of the Military Order of St. Louis, Major of Mobile, to the Tchactas,^ in execution of the Orders of Monsieur De Vaudreuil, Governor of the province of Louisiana, of the 28th August 174.6, for the purpose of inducing that nation to make amends for the assassination of three of our Frenchmen — a gentleman cadet^ a soldier, and a trader — committed the 14th August, 1746, by order of Ymata- hatchitou,^ medal chief of that nation, who has thrown over the French in favor of the English hoping to procure greater favors from the latter. September the i6th at eight o'clock of the morning I departed from Mobille by canoe, accompanied by Messieurs Grandelle, Lieutenant of Swiss ; Pechou De Verbois, gentleman cadet ; Roucere, King's Interpreter ; A French corporal ; Two French soldiers and two Swiss ; A Spaniard to lead the horses loaded with goods ; A savage and a negro belonging to Monsieur de Beauchamps. I set out by water, with the goods and the outfits of the horses, for the Mobilliens * whence after the arrival of the horses, I was to set forth over land, by the Tchactas road. We arrived at my habitation ^ towards three o'clock of the afternoon and remained there until the 17th. I de- ^ Choctaw Indians. ^ Chevalier de Verbois. ' Ymatahatchitou was known to the English as Red Shoe. * The Mobilians, a branch of the Choctaw tribe, dwelt in the Indian town of Mobile at the head of Mobile Bay. ^ De Beauchamps owned and resided on Twenty-One Mile Bluif , the first highland above the French town of Mobile. 261 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES parted thence at four o'clock of the afternoon and passed the night at the place of one Myot, a settler. The i8th we set out at day-break and between 7 and 8 o'clock of the morning we reached the Mobilliens who awaited us and who were playing a game of ball by way of fitting themselves for following us. Upon my arrival they sang the calumet and an hour afterwards the horses, destined for this expedi- tion, arrived, having left Mobille on the i^th. I learned that there were 4 Tchactas, newly arrived, who said that the rebel Imatahatchitou had many partisans throughout their nations, adding that he did not seem satisfied as yet, with having caused the assassination of the three French- men, and that he made no more of that affair than if he had killed the wood rats which ate their hens ; that for that matter they [the victims] were traders and so of little ac- count; that he would readily console himself if he had caused the death of a chief of some consequence, and would not have regretted dying afterwards. Thereupon I delivered to them a discourse on this matter and told them that I had long known that that rogue sought only to bring trouble upon the nation by impoverishing it — men, women and children. The savages, who feared lest some accident befall me and my companions, implored me, with insistence, not to go beyond their villages, urging that my presence, far from advancing our affairs, could only serve to hinder them and to embitter feelings. [They said] that the nation, which seemed well disposed towards giving us satisfaction, must be left to act of itself, and that my presence might be a check on those who are the best dis- posed toward us. Seeing that they could not turn me aside from undertaking this journey they told me that I, as well as my people, ran great risks, whereupon I replied that I did not fear to go among a nation that was allied to us and that I had known for 28 years, and that, as I had never done it aught but good I could not persuade myself that it desired to do me ill. [I told them] that their arguments would not prevent me from proceeding on my journey, that, for that matter, I was not counting on going among 262 JOURNAL OF DE BEAUCHAMPS enemies, but, on the contrary, among our allies, there to establish peace and union, so that they might live as in the past ; that I feared nothing for my life when it was a ques- tion of rendering my service to my country [and] that I would sacrifice it right willingly; [I said] that I was not going to the Tchactas to disseminate discord but to restore everything to order after that they should have made white the ground that some of evil purpose had reddened ; that not for a moment did I doubt that that nation would give us satisfaction, even as we ourselves, six years before, had done by it. Finally the chief of this village, the chief of the Maniba, and the red chief of the Chicachas,^ seconded by the chief of the Youany ^ did all in their power to turn me aside from continuing my journey. M. De Bonville who arrived from Tombekbe on the morning of the igth was present at all the harangues, and told me that the rebel Yamatahatchitou, had gone to the Tchicachas to beg of the English that they send as much merchandise as they could to the Tchactas in his dependency, but the letter of M. Hazeur might, [he said], contain some details which he did not remember, or which he did not know. This determined me to dispatch a post for the more prompt conveyance of M. De Bonville, and to receive the latest orders of Monsr. De Louboey,^ to whom I transmitted all the discourses which the savages had held forth. I even sent the interpreter in the pirogue that he might bring back to me the reply and that he might himself render an account of what he had heard from the savages. The 2^th the Sieur Roucere arrived with the reply of Mr. De Louboey who informed me that nothing should delay my journey [and] that M. Hazeur did not write him of anything in par- ticular except that the rebel had gone to the Chicachas, We had learned the contrary from a Youany savage who * Chickasaw Indians. ' There was a Choctaw town of Yowani on the Chickasawhay River near the north border of Wayne County, Mississippi. ' De Louboey (Lubois) seems to have been in command of Fort Conde at Mobile. 263 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES i had arrived the preceding day at eleven o'clock of the ; morning — and I had so observed in my letter to M. De Louboey. Immediately the latest orders received I made , all preparations for the departure. j The 22d I set out towards noon with my companions I and 14 horses — six saddle and eight pack — [and] 57 | savages as porters, escort, and guides. I arrived happily ; the 26th at the first Chactas village, without any mis- ; adventure but with much trouble and effort on account of \ the pack-horses. We found the roads fairly good and we i came through without rain, which saved us much hurt, i The savages of this village received us exceeding well and 1 displayed abundance of friendship for us. | I found the chief very ill with a kind of dysentery. They 1 brought us to eat, both me and those of my following [and] ! after the first compliments they asked of me the object of | my journey, being greatly surprised to see a chief, such as I, ■ in their country. -I I replied that I bore a message from their father, and j that, if curiosity led them to learn the circumstance of it, | those who deported themselves well could come with me to : the Chicachas when I purposed to hold an assembly, and 1 that I would make known to them, in the same time as to 1 the others, that which the Taskanamgouchy accepted. ■ The 2ph, in the morning, we set ourselves en route for : the Chicachas, where we did not arrive until the 28th in the afternoon. Before reaching the village the Srs. Chambly ' and Larouve came to meet me and said that the Reverend \ Father Baudoiiin ^ was in good health and awaited me with ; impatience. I repaired at once to his dwelling where I i found a large number of savages who were waiting for me : and who received me, in appearance, with an evidence of ; friendship. The first compliments over, on the one side , and on the other, I told them that being a little weary, I , would not talk to them today, as I had need of a little j repose, but that on the morrow, at 8 o'clock of the morning j ^ Michel Baudouin, for eighteen years a missioaary to the Choctaws. 264 JOURNAL OF DE BEAUCHAMPS I would bring them the message of M. De Vaudreuil, their father. This appeared to please them and we departed, whereupon I conferred with the Reverend Father Baudoiiin as to the object of my mission. The 2gth, in the morning, all the Chicachas and the others repaired to the assembly that had been appointed [and] I addressed them in these terms : That they must be surprised, or rather rejoiced to see me among them ; that, having learned that there was discord in a nation which I had always loved, and which had on different occasions, given proofs of its attachment to the French, I came bearing the message of M. De Vaudreuil, their father, who exhorted them never to quit his band ; that they saw perfectly that the rebel only sought to degrade his nation and to make it wretched ; that the assassination of our three Frenchmen, which he had caused to be committed, was a more than sufficient proof of this, since the wretch had aimed at the life of our people only to the end of empoverishing them [the savages], their women, and their children. What would become of you, said I to them, if we abandon you ; what resource will you have ? If this nation does not make amends, by giving up a head for a head, you force us to abandon you. To whom will you have recourse ? To the English ? It is beyond all possibility for them to supply you with the fourth part of your necessities, [and] thus your women and your children will die of want. Whereas, upon giving up three heads, following the agreements made with your elders, M. De Vaudreuil, your father will forget that which has passed, and I, who am an object of your ingrati- tude, shall be overjoyed, before leaving you, to have restored the peace and union which have so long reigned between us. We ask of you nothing but what is just, seeing that in 1740 M. De Vaudreuil rendered justice to you on account of a man and a woman whom some Frenchmen had killed, and on that occasion you all promised to do the same by the French should the Tchactas commit any act of that sort. I well realize, I said to them, that it is not for the Chicachae to render this justice, but what I required of 26s TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES them was to support my words when the Tchactas, to whom I had given notice of my arrival, should be assembeld. Then I read to them the intent of the instructions of M. De Veaudreuil and made them feel the weight which they should attach to that message — which tended only to their welfare and to that of their families. [I told them] that | they should recall their first estate, that if today they are j Men it is to the French alone to whom they are under obligation, they [the French] having put arms into their j hands that they might defend themselves against the j nations which were oppressing them and making slaves of ] them. This signal service has made them respected of the ' other nations, and has even made them, so to speak, the i arbiters of their neighbors, both because of their numbers | and because of the warriors which our munitions and our arms have formed; [I said] that in default of that satis- i faction [which we demanded], we could not allow any traders in their nation, for fear lest a like accident should ; again occur, wherefore the good would suffer for the guilty, i [we] not being able to know their inmost hearts so as [to dare] to risk further Frenchmen among them. [I told them] j that the English moreover, knew the Tchactas of old, that | they would not trust them, [and that] they are too wise to ■ commit themselves to an ungrateful nation which treats its ] benefactors in that fashion. I touched on the spots where j they are the most sensitive in repeating what I knew [of j them] 28 years ago, and [in pointing out] what the Tchactas i were then. After this discourse, in which nothing was overlooked in order to convince them of the necessity of | giving us satisfaction, and of the evil which would follow 1 for the nation if they refused, Mongoulacha mingo, demanded 1 permission to speak and with anger and animosity delivered | himself of the following discourse. I do not think, he said to me, that the Tchactas are ; giving heads for those of your Frenchmen ; that as for the : head of the rebel Ymatahatchitou it was useless to count i upon it. (I had taken care not to designate the heads , which we demanded) ; that he had long known that we . 266 i. I JOURNAL OF DE BEAUCHAMPS sought the ruin of the red men. That, said he, is how the French are, and to support his evil words, he cited to me [the case of] a chief of his race at the Thomez,^ whom M. De Bienville,^ in the early days of the old fort ^ of Mobile, had sent to the islands to die ; and [he said] that he [Bien- ville] had had this man taken by force. This seditious dis- course would have produced a very bad effect if I had not had the means of turning against him the trick he had made use of in order to prejudice the minds of the savages, for the lying rogue of whom he spoke had only been sent to the islands upon the demand of the Thomez. This was con- firmed by an Ymonguolacha who dwelt there when the man in question had been sent to Havannah, [and further- more] M. De Chateauguay * had since seen the man, at the house of a priest, and had asked him if he would not be glad to see again his kinsfolk, whereupon he replied that being a Christian he thought no more of the red men and esteemed himself happy to have quit them. The chief, who was not looking for this counter, was disconcerted for a moment. He began again to inveigh against us with unbearable reproaches adding that he well knew that he would never return to favor with us, since he had rejected our words; that, the savages having told him that the medal chiefs were deprived of their authority, which was conferred upon the Red chiefs, he had been led to cut off his medal and to throw it into a creek ; that since then he had been told that [such an act] was as if he had killed ten Frenchmen ; that he was convinced that sooner or later he would be put to death for that mistake ; that furthermore he did not trouble himself on account of my threats to * The Tohomes, or Thomez, Indians — who spoke the Choctaw dialect and were closely associated with the Mobilians — had a settlement on the west bank of the Tombigbee, a few miles above the Indian town of Mobile. ^ Jean Baptiste Lemoyne, Sieur de Bienville, who in conjunction with his brother, Pierre Lemoyne, Sieur d'lberville, founded Mobile. 3 Pqj.^ Louis. ■• Sieur Lemoyne de Chateaugue, a brother of Bienville, s 267 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES i abandon them ; that he had no great obligations to us since he had kept nothing of what had been given him, that the j garments he wore came from M. Diron ^ who had sold ; [them] to him for a slave. Then he addressed his people < and said that since the French were abandoning them they i would have to take up again the bow and the arrow, that > furthermore he was not going to seek the English but that ! he would remain at home [and be] poor. He followed with I numerous extravagances, — which revealed to me his evil ; heart expressing itself in open hostility. I ordered him to ; desist, which he did not do until the second summons. It ; is true that a bottle of brandy which the red chief of his i village had given him to drink, the morning of this assem- i bly, contributed not a little to making him vomit forth his \ indecencies and his insolence. He even said that if he had • come to Mobille at the time of the [presentation of] gifts and ; M. De Vaudreiiil had rejected him he would have said and \ done more ; he even wanted to spring upon me after [I] j had imposed silence upon him, [but] this he denied, after- i wards, when he was in cold blood. I told him that had he ! been daring enough to do such a thing I should have killed \ him, or had him killed on the spot. Finally he quitted the | assembly without taking leave of anyone and went off j home like a madman to tear down the French flag, which ; he had hoisted as soon as he saw mine at the Reverend Father ; Baudoiiin's, and which, until then, he had left [flying]. | Mingo houma Tchitou of this village spoke, after him, | and said that I ought not to be surprised at what his chief i had just said to me, that he had warned M. De Louboey ' of it before coming [here], and [that he had warned] us our- : selves at the Mobilliens. He added that he had said that ■. the nation must be left to act of itself, that it was not yet inclined to accord us justice, that it was necessary to have patience, [and] that he hoped we would have reason to be i satisfied in the end. In short his harangue was only a \ . i ^ Diron d'Artaguiette, author of the second journal of this ! volume, and at one time commandant of Fort Conde. « 268 ^ JOURNAL OF DE BEAUCHAMPS repetition of what he had said to M. De Louboey and to me before my departure from the Mobilliens ; he only made me see that, in spite of all the fine promises which he had made me on the way, he was no more inclined to our in- terests than his chief, covering himself with the mantle of cowardice, saying that he was afraid and did not know which side to take. The Captain of the same village arose and spoke with moderation. [He] said that the Tchactas were free to go to seek the English, that for himself he would never quit the hand of the French, that the evil deed of Ymatahatchitou was going to make them all wretched, that they would see themselves forced to take again their ancient weapons (that is the bow and the arrow), a sorry resource, said he to his people, for those who have a family to nourish and to sup- port, and all the more so as we have [i.e. they had] com- pletely lost the use of them; that as for himself we ought to be assured of his attachment, that he had given us con- vincing proof of it in the wounds which he still bears and which he had received in our service. After this discourse the assembly broke up. The joth I despatched a courrier to M. De Louboey to inform him that I had arrived with my men, among that nation, in good health and without accident. I detailed to him how dissatisfied I was with the harangues which the Chicachae had made to me and for which I was not pre- pared by the demonstrations of friendship which they had evidenced to me the day before. The same day I despatched a courrier to the Couchas ^ to notify Allibamon maingo [sic], the medal chief, and his people that I had arrived and [to direct him] to give notice of it throughout all the Eastern district, telling him that if he judged my presence necessary in those parts he had only to let me know [and] I would leave on the instant to repair thither. I profited by the same occasion to despatch the ^ The Couchas or Conchas were Choctaws inhabiting the town of Coucha or Concha in the northeast district of the Choc- taw country. 269 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES \ letters with which I was intrusted for Mr. Hazeur, to Tom- bekbe,^ where he is in command, informing him of my j arrival. I told him that I had demanded three heads, in- discriminately, for the three Frenchmen whom the rebel ; had had assassinated, and that he should conform himself j thereto. i The 1st of October the courier whom the Reverend Father | Baudoiiin had sent to Mobille to carry news from the \ Tchaktas to M. De Louboey arrived with the reply to the I letters of the Reverend Father. I received one from M. De ; Louboey together with a copy of the one from M. Leseur,^ commandant at the Allibamons, whereby I saw with pleas- i ure that the Abekas,^ very far from giving support to the j rebel Ymatahatchitou, — as he had intended in sending to ! them three pieces from the scalps of our Frenchmen — had, \ on the contrary, regarded the treachery with horror ; they placed the fragments in a white skin and took them to the ' captain of the Pakamans ^ who enveloped them in a second ; [skin] and then carried them to M. Lesueur, assuring him I that the Abekas, Talapouches,^ and AUibamonts * detested ! with all their hearts the odious acts of the Tchactas ; that ; if that nation refused to give us prompt satisfaction, they ; would even permit all [their men] to go there to persuade i them to it; that they would utterly refrain from aiding i such an ungrateful nation. After having learned this news j I reassembled the savages in order that I might impart it ■ * Fort Tombecbe, on the west bank of the Tombigbee River \ about twenty miles above its confluence with the Black Warrior. 1 ^ Le Sueur, commandant of Fort Toulouse. ' Upper Creek Indians inhabiting the region of the Coosa , River above Hatchet Creek. * There is doubt as to the identity of these Indians but it seems ; likely that they were Upper Creeks inhabiting the town of Pakan- Tallahassee on Hatchet Creek about eighteen miles from its t junction with the Coosa. ^ The Tallapoosas were Upper Creeks inhabiting the region of i the Tallapoosa River. ^ The Alibamas inhabited the region at and below the con- • fluence of the Coosa and Tallapoosa. 270 JOURNAL OF DE BEAUCHAMPS to them. After I had related everything to them in detail I observed that the people who had comported themselves in that fashion were savages who had the English among them, but that, — as the Tchactas are great liars [and] so might imagine that I wished to avail myself of the same privilege in order to engage them to give us satisfaction, — the Red man who had just delivered to me the letters was going to relate everything to them that he had learned from the Apalaches savage who had brought this news from the Allibamonts, since, being a red man like themselves, they would have perhaps more faith in him, [but] that they ought nevertheless to be persuaded that a man like myself was incapable of imposing upon them. I ordered the one armed man who had brought this news, and who is a notable of the village, to speak. He arose and under five heads reported with much circumstance all that the Apalache had told him, adding that peace had been made both on the upper river and in the region of the Ouabache ^ Choiianons ^ and Cheraquis ; that twelve Choii- anons had come to cement it also with all the nations of the Allibamonts, Talapouches, Abekas, Caoiiitas,' Cachetas,^ etc., and that this spring there were to come a hundred [Chouanons] to settle at the Allibamonts with the people of their village who settled there ten years ago. He added furthermore, that peace reigned throughout all the nations, that all the roads were white, that those people could go everywhere and that the Tchactas were the only ones who had reddened the ground. This discourse, in harmony with mine, did not fail to disconcert somewhat the chief of the village as well as all those who had yielded in the first assembly. Nevertheless the chief repeated, being sober, the same nonsense that he had addressed to us, being drunk; but ^ Wabash. ^ Shawnee. ' Kawitas, Lower Creeks inhabiting the town of Kawita on the Chattahoochee River. ■• Kasihtas, Lower Creeks inhabiting the town of Kasihta on the Chattahoochee River a little below Kawita. 271 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES with more gentleness I spoke to him about the flag which he had taken down and told him that the flag was not for him- self alone but for all the village and that he must raise it again or else I would have it taken away from him. He had it put back and left it until after my departure. The Captain, with an aged notable, Ytemongoulache, spoke strongly in our behalf. The red chief, still disconcerted, spoke not a word. The Taskanangoutchy of the Youanis thereupon delivered his discourse, strongly in our favor, saying that nothing was more just than the demand which I made upon them; that it was meet that prompt satisfaction should be given us so that I might conciliate them in spirit and re-establish peace and union among the Tchactas ; that as for himself, being inoulacta, he would never give vent to evil speech, nor would he receive the English, even though they came with many wares ; that he would hold to the French whose hand he had taken from the days of tender youth, as had all those of his race. This speech over, each one went his way. The same day the messenger whom I had despatched to the Conchas and to the Aye pate goula to announce my arrival, arrived at eight o'clock of the evening and told me that he had not found Allibamon Mingo, he having gone to his desert, which is far removed from the village, but that Toupaou mastabe, the captain, had been rejoiced to learn of my arrival [and] was going to notify his great chief to repair hither with the notables ; that he [Toupaou mastabe] was grateful to me for not having gone beyond this village, by reason of the risks which I and my men would have run in going to see them, for the heart of the red men was bad and had some accident befallen me it would have occasioned a war among them, for they would not have suffered me to be insulted, either while on the way or in their villages. The messenger told me that they begged me not to pass beyond this village, that I would expose them to being mas- sacred by the Tchactas, their own faction being the weaker, [and] that they would come at once to see me to receive the messages of the great chiefs of the French, their fathers. 272 JOURNAL OF DE BEAUCHAMPS The 2d October I despatched a courier to the six villages of the dependency of the Chicachae and Ougoulasalaya, to notify them of my arrival, and [to tell them] to come to receive the message which I bore them from M. De Vau- dreiiil, their father. The same day I despatched a notable to Tombekbe to carry letters to M. Hazeur in which I informed him that in view of the circumstances, and of the attachment of the three nations of the Allibamonts, Abekas, and Talapouches, it was no longer desirable to demand three heads, indis- criminately, but that, on the contrary, we must fix upon the head of the rebel Ymatahatchitou. I told him that if the deputies of the AUibamons arrived, he should receive them well — since they were undertaking that move only with the view of engaging the Tchactas to give satisfaction to the French — and to send them on to me if that were possible. The jd of the said [month] AUibamont mingo, Toupaou mastabe, and Quikanabe Mingo, all three Conchas, accom- panied by the Taskanangouchy and by the medicine man of the Bois Bleux, arrived. I talked to them on the same day and repeated to them the message of M. De Vaudreuil and what I had learned from the Allibamonts by the letter of M. Lesueur, as I had done at the preceding assembly, adding only in speaking to Allibamonts Mingo, that having learned that he had ■ comported himself perfectly in this affair, I addressed directly to him the words of his father, as he was the only great chief to whom I could have recourse for support of my own, [and] that I begged him to tell me, without concealment, if what his father and I demanded, was not just. To this the chief, after rising and making two circles — one of which indicated the settlement of the French, and the other, larger, enclosed the Tchactas nations — made reply. He commenced his discourse in these terms : That I ought not in the least to doubt his attachment for us ; that it was not his fault that this evil affair was not already ended, for he had represented all the consequences of it to the nation and particularly to the people of his 273 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES village and dependency; that he perfectly remembered his first estate ; that it was not necessary to spare people who had long sought only the loss and ruin of the Tchactas nation, and who had just capped the climax with their crimes ; that all the red men must see clearly that all the promises of Ymatahatchitou were vain and chimerical ; that he regarded all those projects as impossible; that as for him, his will was good but that he could not give us the satisfaction which we justly demanded, fearing to set all the nation against him ; that if he were seconded he would do it with a good heart, but that his village, and that of the Chicachae, which are united from of old, could not give this satisfaction, however great their desire, without run- ning the risk of being cut to pieces by the rest of the nation ; that it was necessary to await the chiefs of the region of the west who are the most concerned in this aifair, since the Frenchmen who were assassinated lived in their villages ; that it would be seen what they think of it ; that he would use all his influence to engage them to do justice by us and would speak to them outright and boldly to bring them to it. In short this chief spoke with all the eloquence possible on the side of our interests, often repeating that if the Tchactas lost the French they must needs look upon them- selves as dead, since their women and their children would not only be naked as in the past but would die of destitu- tion and hunger. Toupaoii mastabe, captain of the same village, next spoke [but] not in the way I had expected. His discourse con- tained nothing but tricky terms, ambiguities, and fear; he brought forth as many difficulties for [the settling of] this affair as though I had demanded of him things that were unjust. Such an harangue from a man whom I thought wholly devoted to the French surprised me extremely. His discourse was very long, stupid, and tiresome ; he repeated from time to time his great deeds, but always refrained from saying anything satisfactory to us, except that he would always love the French, that he would not abandon them, but that he was afraid and could do nothing for them. 274 JOURNAL OF DE BEAUCHAMPS Quikanabe Mingo made no harangue at all ; he contented himself with saying to me, after the assembly and before all who were in the chamber of the Reverend Father Baudoiiin, that as soon as he had learned the sad news [of the assassina- tion of the French] he had made ready to march to execute justice, that he had failed because no one had been willing to second him, that if there was a willingness to aid him he was entirely willing to start out again, nor did he fear to risk his life to avenge the French and to re-establish peace in the nation to the end that he might rescue it from the oppression of Ymatahatchitou and of the English, knowing furthermore that these latter are unable to supply their needs. [He said] that of this he spoke with knowledge since he had formerly been [one of] their captains and their par- tizans — [and] that but for M. De Beauchamps and the Reverend Father Baudoiiin he might still be — but he had recognized his mistake and would always sacrifice himself for the French, his benefactors. He told me in private that he took this affair so much to heart that, although he did not promise me anything, I would perhaps hear of him ; that he was returning at once to succor his children whom he had left dying ; that he had already lost one but a few days before, for whom he was in mourning, that it had re- quired nothing less than a message such as mine to have made him leave his hut where he was in tears. The Taskanamgouchy of the Bois Bleux next spoke, and made a speech very much in our favor, saying that he had always been the destroyer of the English, and that if any of them came among the nation I might be assured that he would shoot them; that as soon as he had received the news of the act of Ymatahatchitou he had on the spot caused the alarm to be sounded and had gone, with sixty warriors of his village to the Yazou of the East, the drum beating, counting upon all the Tchactas to take part in the affair, [but] not having found anyone to second him in that village nor in those roundabout he had been obliged to turn back. The chiefs told him, by way of reward for his good will, that he was crazy, that it was not yet time to avenge 275 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES us, and that there was too much of risk to run ; that first of all there must be taken the opinion of all the chiefs of the nation, [and] that until then it was fitting to remain quiet. The medicine man who had accompanied him said nothing; he contented himself with applauding indiscrim- inately both the speeches of AUibamonts mingo and the others. 1 then spoke in private to Toupaoumastabe, captain [of the] Couchas. It appeared by his reply that he was better inclined toward us than he had appeared in his harangue; he said, by way of excuse, that the Red men did not dare to say in public what they thought, because Ymatahatchitou had spies in the assemblies, but that he hoped nevertheless that we would have grounds for satisfaction without loss of time. The ph, in the afternoon, I received a reply to the first news that I had sent to M. Hazeur, wherein he informed me, that, jointly with me, he would demand indiscriminately three heads of the murderers. The same day Taskanamgouchyaclako, chief of the Yazoii,^ came to see me and spoke me very fair. He told me that he was going to bear the message of M. De Vaudreuil, his father, throughout all the region of the east and to engage [the savages] to unite with AUibamont mingo the bearer of the message, and to second him in securing the satisfaction which I demanded of them; that if Choulkooiilacta were not dead those two great chiefs would have concerted to render us justice, whether or no, but unhappily the latter had died in a time when we had the most need of him, that he had realized all the consequence of [the affair] and had so declared, before dying, recommending to all his relations and warriors never to leave the French. The 1st, the chief of Oiiny ^ with his second and a few ^ The principal town of this name — a Choctaw town — was on the site still known as Yazoo Old Town in Neshoba County, Mississippi. There was another town of the same name farther east. 2 There was a Choctaw town of Oony on a branch of the upper Chickasawhay River in what is now Newton County, Mississippi. 276 JOURNAL OF DE BEAUCHAMPS warriors arrived and spoke to me right well, as did also his second. I had good grounds for being content with them, although [they are] neighbors of the rebel. Oulisso Mingo of the Eaiies noires spoke no ill, notwith- standing he was suspected of being in the interests of Ymatahatchitou. The same day arrived the courier from Mobille with letters for me and M. Hazeur. The i6th at noon arrived the courier whom I had sent to Tombekbe [and] by whom I had had sent word to M. Hazeur, that, in consequence of the action of the Abekas and Allibamonts it was necessary to determine upon obtain- ing the head of the rebel, and no longer to demand three heads indiscriminately. M. Hazeur, to whom this news gave much pleasure, replied that he would second my views in all respects. The same day I sent on to Tombekbe the letters which had come to me from Mobille. By the same occasion I informed the Commandant of the former post, as to the speeches, good and bad, which I had listened to but [said] that I did not discern any great attachment for us although I had every reason to be content with the fashion in which Allibamont mingo had declared himself, as well as Taska- namgouchy of the Bois bleux and some others ; that I was awaiting the six Villages and the western party in order to sound their hearts, which would doubtless be as hardened as that of the chief of this village who had spoken much ill to us. The said day, at ten o'clock of the morning the chiefs of the villages of the Cannes jaunes, Bouttouloucay, Tala, Machoubaouenya, Ceniacha, and Toussana,^ arrived. I talked to them until three hours past midday after having explained to them, in the strongest terms, the message of M. De Vaudreiiil, their father, and that which the men of the Allibamonts had done. * These six villages were in the region of the upper waters of Chickasawhay River, within the limits of the present Newton and Jasper counties, Mississippi. 277 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES The chief of Tala arose and spoke in these terms : that what I demanded of them was impossible; that I ought not to hope that they should deliver me any heads for those of the Frenchmen ; that if he had known that it was for that that I had summoned him he would not have taken the trouble to come ; that he had thought I was come to propose to them to make war upon the Chikachas, expecting that the goods which I had brought should be spread before them to engage them to receive my message ; that they perceived well enough that the French meant to impoverish them; that he did not concern himself about that; that he would remain at home at his ease. It is to be remarked that this chief is of the race of Ymatahatchitou. The chief of the Cannes jaunes, who is a young man, without authority, next spoke, saying neither good nor ill, except that he had several times warned the French to beware of the bad Tchactas, that they [the French] were not ignorant that there were many of ill will ; that he had several times warned the Sr. Chambly as well as the others, of them. The chief of Machoiibaouenya, who is of the race of the great chief of the nation, spoke very well, but his second, Mingo ouma said nothing of any account. Ymatahapouscouche, and Fanymingo Tchaha of the Ceniacha, spoke next and said that they did not see any likelihood that the red men could do us justice without running many risks and that they were not at all inclined to get themselves killed through love of us. The chief of the Bouetouloucay spoke in the same tone. It even appeared that their discourses were shaped upon the understanding which they had reached among them- selves while on the way. They added that if they were not furnished with munitions and if their arms were not repaired for them, they would, at the worst, but be obliged to resort to their former weapons, — meaning thereby the bow and the arrow. I impressed upon them that that was but a slender resource for people who had lost the use of them [the bow and arrow], to which they made no reply. 278 JOURNAL OF DE BEAUCHAMPS They contented themselves with saying to me that if they had wars with any nations they would defend themselves as they could — referring thus to the Allibamons because of what I had said about them. Allibamont mingo, whom I had told to support my words, made a great and fine speech to them, to persuade them to join with him in obtaining for us the satisfaction which I demanded of them, in the name of their father ; in order that I might re-establish peace and union among them and procure for them the means of supporting their women and their children, who would die of hunger, if their muni- tions and the repairing of their arms were cut off. Then he recounted that, so far from finding support among the Abekas, as Ymatahatchitou had made them hope, these latter had held his action in horror, upon seeing the pieces of French scalps which he had sent them, and instead of exhibiting them upon their huts, as he had sent word to them to do, they had kicked them aside and then had wrapped them in a white skin to take them to M. Lesueur at the Allibamonts. This chief told them further many other and very pertinent matters, in order to make them the better feel of what consequence it was for all the Tchactas nation to give us a prompt and ample satisfaction. He also told them of all the evil which might result [from failure to do so], whereupon the chief of Tousana responded that he, as well as the other chiefs, had very well heard what I had said to them ; that it was needless for him to give himself the trouble to repeat it ; that he did not regard him as of any consequence in this affair, and that he was not seeking his opinion as to what he should do ; that he ought to content himself with drinking and eating with the French chiefs and [do] nothing else. This evil argument compelled Allibamont mingo to silence, in spite of the desire which he had to make them realize all the horror of the crime committed by the Tchactas, — especially Pouchi- mataha, chief of Tousana who had had the trader of his village assassinated. Pouchimataha arose then, and said that he supposed that 279 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES the goods which I had brought were intended to engage them to go to war upon their enemies and ours, but that he saw, on the contrary, that they were for the purpose of getting them to support [me] ; that he was not at all of that opinion ; he added many other things, in the same tone and but little satisfying. The red chief of the Nachoubaoiienya did likewise and endorsed what this last chief had recited. I told him that a man like myself did not go on the march without goods ; that those which I had brought were in- tended for the subsistence of my warriors and for making presents to whom I saw fit ; to which he dared not retort ; no more than did Pouchimataha and the others. I broke up this assembly in telling them that I would render a faithful account to their father of the attachment for him and for all the French which they had displayed to me. They then set themselves to eating what the Chicachae had prepared for them, [and] as soon as they had their bellies full they came to take my hand and quickly departed without saying anything more. The chief of Toussana and the red chief of the Nachou- baoiienya remained and gave some signs of good will and attachment in the hope, without doubt, that I would make them a present by way of reward for the evil discourse they had held me; but their hopes were vain as were those of their company, whom I sent away with nothing. AUibamont mingo, who had a violent attack of fever, by reason of having vehemently harangued for a part of the day, left on the morrow at daybreak to return home and bear the message of M. De Vaudreuil throughout all the district of the east and in his dependency, while going to mourn the death of Choulkooulacta (I learned that the rebel Ymatahatchitou had been there some days previously to weep over the grave of that chief) — ceremonies which are religiously observed among them. I gave the letters for M. Hazeur to AUibamont Mingo who charged himself with the safe delivery of them ; among them was the copy of the letter of M. De Vaudreuil, who transmitted the news which the frigate La Mutine had brought him from France. 280 JOURNAL OF DE BEAUCHAMPS The yth the great chief of the nation who had arrived in the morning with Ymatahamingo of the Ebitoupougoula, and the second of Tchichatalaya, spoke to me in excellent terms and said that he was very sensible to the perfidious act of Ymatahatchitou, but that he was old and unable to undertake anything ; that even of late his hut had been shot at and [there had been shooting] in his deserts ; that he was in great fear lest those of evil intentions should make an attempt upon his life after the measures that had just been taken, but that he would, with all his force, urge the nation to give us satisfaction in order to re-establish peace and union among the Tchactas that they might live together as heretofore ; that as for himself personally he would never hold any other language than that of his father, but that he could not take any action, that he feared too much lest he himself be assassinated. Ymataha mingo, or the Monkey, said that as for him [if] I commanded him to make war upon the Chikachas he would set out upon the instant with his warriors, but that, when it came to fighting against his own nation he was too fearful and not at all so inclined, thus making an exhibit of cowardice, like the others. I sounded this chief in private through the interpreter who reported that the savage was not willing to declare his intentions in public but that he would do his best to make us satisfied with him, without however promising anything positive ; however, as he has great ambition perhaps he will attempt something [to gain] the promised reward. The gth the great chief and those who had accompanied him returned. They all assured me of their fidelity as well as of that of all the Ayepategoulas. The great chief, before his departure, gave evidence of much displeasure at the evil language held by the Six Villages and by the [chief] of Toussana, and ordered Apaninantcla of the Ceniachas to tell them, from him, that they must come to make their excuses to me, both for their evil discourse and for the brusque fashion of their leaving, and that he would speak right roundly his mind to them in the assembly which was 281 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES to be held for the scraping of the bones of the dead. In consequence the chief and the second of the village of Na- choubaouenya, came the day of my departure, to express their regret at having spoken ill as well as at having departed so brusquely ; that they had acted thus without reflection, but that they came to make me their excuses, assuring me that they would never abandon the hand of the French. The same day, in the afternoon, arrived the Ditemon- goulacha chiefs, of the west, to whom I delivered the message of M. the governor and [told] what I had learned from the Allibamonts. They replied that my demand was just, but that although they realized all the consequences, they were not bold enough, nor strong enough to attack the party of Ymataha Tchitou which was still powerful ; that they had taken upon themselves to avenge us, but that, finding themselves alone in this determination, they had not dared make the attempt for fear of not being sustained by the nation. [They said] that when the partizans of the rebel find themselves impoverished they will withdraw from him, and that then they will be able to give us the satis- faction which we demand ; but that up to now he [Ymata- hatchitou] had filled them [his partizans] with imaginings and the hope that they would shortly be enriched with goods, both from the English and from the Chikachas ; that as for them they saw well enough that all those promises were vain and futile and that it was impossible for him to hold to all that he had promised them ; that for their part we ought to feel assured that they would never abandon the hand of the French to take the hand of the English ; that furthermore they would do all in their power to avenge the death of the man Petit, their trader, and that if they could not take vengeance upon the red men they would take it upon the English, should they be crazy enough to come among the nation. In short I was very well satisfied with the chief of this village and with the red chief, who never- theless is of the race of the rebel. Sonakabetaska promised me further to avenge the death of the Sr. Deverbois at the next [ceremony] of scraping the 282 JOURNAL OF DE BEAUCHAMPS bones of the dead, and to escape, thereupon, to New Or- leans. The same day, about evening there came to see me the red chief, brother of Allibamon mingo, and the white chief of the Eaux noires, chief of Oskeatchougma. I spoke to the former of what he must have learned from his brother as well as from the captain of his village. He replied that he had not seen his brother, but that the captain had re- counted all to him ; that as to what I demanded of them on behalf of M. De Vaudreiiil their father, he regarded it as impossible ; [he said] that the Conchas had even con- structed a fort, as much for their own security as for that of the French, whose hand they did not wish to abandon ; that he did not believe however that the party of Ymata- hatchitou could long hold together, as his people see no ful- fillment of the promises he has made and is still making daily. The white chief, who is a worthless fellow, told me that Ymatahatchitou, seeing nothing coming of all that he ex- pected from the English, Chikachas, and Abekas, began to repent him of having corrupted their lands, and that he [Ymatahatchitou] had said that if goods did not come in abundance before long, it would be necessary to satisfy the French by giving up the heads of three of the warriors who had committed the deed, and that as for himself, being gouty of the feet and feeble, he thought his warriors would pardon him and allow him to die his own death, which, by reason of his infirmities and of his age, would not be long delayed ; for it would be shameful for him to die at the hands of his nation. The Abekas of the west, who are his partizans, having learned of this language replied that not having first given their word in favor of the murder, they would not consent to give their heads to whiten the land which he had made red ; that it was far more just to give up his own head since it was only at his solicitation that the warriors had spoiled the roads [grattes (sic) les chemins] on the strength of the false promises which he had made them. The loth, Tichoumingo, of this village, who has been T 283 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES about in the nation, arrived and told me that the Tchactas of the party of Ymatahatchitou, who had been to the Chika- chas to sell their peltries, had returned without having sold a single one, there being no goods to be had among that nation except for ammunition ; the Chikachas had told them that they did not have any [ammunition] for them- selves, and that even if they had it would not be for the Tchactas, that they would carefully keep it for their own defense and for the subsistence of their families. The Tchactas, seeing such a scarcity were disconcerted by this misadventure and were obliged to bring back their peltries, much dissatisfied with their journey. This story, although doubtful at first sight, has been confirmed to me by other savages of that quarter. The same day the Soulier Rouge of the Yanabe ^ came, about four hours after midday with his brother and a warrior of the same village. He told me that I must excuse his chief who would gladly have come to see me had not sick- ness prevented him. I spoke to this notable of the murder committed by order of Ymatahatchitou. At first he made me a reply modelled upon those of the others, and only told me that since his return from Mobille he had not gone out- side of his hut, to which I retorted that that was not what he had promised to M. the governor when the latter had given him his present ; that I saw with indignation that hardly out of sight of the house of their father all the promises they had made to him had faded away, or been drowned in the Bayouygo ; that, from hearing them talk at that time I supposed that the Chikachas were even now all dead, but that I saw, with chagrin, that all those who had so highly vaunted themselves, had not only done nothing for us, but on the contrary they were, it seemed to me all of like mind with those who had committed this horrible deed, to say nothing of having tacitly consented to it, since they had remained so quiet after the assurances they had given their father that they would die in behalf of the French. ^ Ayanabi, a Choctaw town about one hundred miles west of Fort Tombechbe. 284 JOURNAL OF DE BEAUCHAMPS The nth arrived one Gaspard, trader at the Couchats, from Tombekbe with a letter from M. Hazeur who sent me the letter from M. Lesueur, Commandant at the Alliba- monts, respecting the letter which M. De Louboey had sent me, in the first place, by the one-armed man of this village, relating to the scalps sent by Ymatahatchitou to the Abe- coutchy Abekas.^ M. Hazeur informed me, in his letter of the 9th that Paemingo of the Castachas ^ had been to see him and had spoken to him at first in unbefitting terms, saying that he had just exposed his life in the service of the French from whom there was no reward forthcoming, nor any trade in peltries, since the French were no longer willing to trade with the Tchactas until we should have had satisfaction for the three Frenchmen killed by their brethren. This worthy harangued with vehemence on other scores, constantly referring to the chief of Boukfouka,^ and said that the Tchactas of that quarter did not appear disposed to accord the satisfaction which we demanded of the entire nation ; he complained that they did not make much of him, and then reported what he had done, but recently, for the French — risking his life and those of his warriors in their service : [namely] that having prowled a long time about the Chikachas villages, without finding any one off in some lonely place, he found himself compelled — in order not to return empty handed — to go into the village where he had killed a young man who had fallen on the doorstep of his hut ; that he had not been able to take his scalp on account of the risk that he would have run ; that [this] being known of the French he had thought that he and his warriors would have been given cause for satisfaction ; that, coming to see a French chief he had brought some ^ Abeka or Abihka Indians inhabiting the town of Abikudshi on Tallassee Creek, about five miles from its junction with the Coosa River. ^ A Choctaw town about three miles southwest of the old Choctaw town of Yazoo. ^ A Choctaw town on one of the head streams of Pearl River, 28s TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN XOLONIES peltries and he hoped that, in consideration of his deed, they would not refuse [to trade with] him; that if they would not trade the worst that he could do would be to gamble for them with a few red men like himself. M. Hazeur, in reply to his first proposition said that he did not have the gift of divining whether he had taken a scalp or no; that as for the peltries he had not looked in his pack to see whether he had any to trade ; after which he told him that not only would he pay him for the scalp, in con- sideration of his zeal and attachment, but that he would also trade with him for his skins, although that was for- bidden, for he did not want to send him away ashamed after he had performed such a fine deed and had run so many risks in our service. Thereupon this party chief was mollified and conferred at length with M. Hazeur, with regard to the satisfaction which we demanded, and promised to do his utmost to procure it for us. [He said] that he was going to join with Taskaoumingo of the Bouksouka [sic], Pouchymataha of Toussana, [and] Illetaska of the Ymou- goulacha so that they might all together persuade Tatouli- mataha, elder brother of Ymataha Tchitou, to give us this satisfaction ; he being of the race of the rebel it was fitting, in order to avoid the consequences, that he should be the one to perform the act. The same day the brother of Paemingo, mentioned above, arrived towards seven o'clock of the evening with a letter which M. Hazeur had given him for me, dated the 7th, wherein he conveyed the same information as in the letter of the 9th, which had been delivered to me by the man Gaspard. The Soulier Rouge, of the Yanabe, spoke next, saying that he was ashamed to appear before the French chief after the disgraceful thing that had come to pass in the nation, but that he saw no way of making amends because of the fear in which they stood of kindling a civil war among the Tchactas ; that I should be assured that he would always cherish our interests with warmth, [but] that he did not feel that he himself was brave enough to make an 286 JOURNAL OF DE BEAUCHAMPS attempt upon the life of Ymatahatchitou, who was well guarded, and that furthermore he was not of his race. To which I replied that it was far more shameful for me to have come among a nation which I supposed entirely devoted to our interests, because of the benefits which their ancestors had received, and which they [themselves] would still receive daily ; that I saw with astonished surprise that all those great warriors, captains, red chiefs, and notables, did not dare to undertake anything against a man who sought only their undoing, and to disunite them in causing them to lose the moiety of the French, and to make them wretched ; that if, however, they did not give satisfaction to their father, in reparation of the offense committed by Ymatahatchitou, I doubted not, that upon my return, M. De Vaudreuil, perceiving the lack of zeal for the execution of his orders, would at once cease all commerce with a nation so ingrate. I further said several very strong things, re- calling to them all that we had done for them and in the strongest terms. This brought about a change in this party chief, who appeared much touched by the feeling reproaches, which with justice, I had just addressed to him. He told me that he could not express himself in public, that there were too many spies, but that he would tell me his sentiment in private. I learned then that Tamatle mingo, war chief of the Couchatys Allibamonts ^ was to arrive on the morrow with his son, a Tchactas [who had] settled among them, and [the] nephew of the Soulier Rouge above mentioned, together with some Tchactas who accompanied him. M. Hazeur had told me, in his letter of the 9th that he was sending them to me. The brother of Paemingo of the Castachas, who had brought me the letter of M. Hazeur of the 7th, gave me an account of his brothers raid on the Chikachas, in which he himself had taken part, and set forth, with much discourse, ^ The Koasati, Alabamas inhabiting a village near the con- fluence of the Coosa and Tallapoosa rivers. 287 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES their services to the French, as is reported above in the paragraph dealing with the letter of the 9th. I replied to him that I was well satisfied with the conduct of his brother ; that I should render an account of it to M. the governor, who would without doubt recognize that mark of attachment ; that it was glorious for him to have carried out his word, [but] that it was not the same with all the captains, red chiefs, and other notables of that nation, who, vying with each other, had assured M. De Vaudreuil, at Mobile, in the strongest terms, that, immediately upon their arrival [i.e.^ return] each one would arouse his party to go against the Chikachas, their enemies and ours ; but that, hardly had they lost sight of his house, as well as of the good reception and the good cheer which he had tendered them, than all those mighty and fine promises had gone up in smoke and that, instead of keeping the word which they had given their father, the most of them had remained asleep in their huts ; others had gone to the Chikachas to trade, instead of to make war, and to learn at the same time the thoughts of the English so that they might know the truth of the words which Ymatahatchitou had spoken to them, both as to goods and ammunition and as to the storehouses which they [the English] were, or which they are to estab- lish in that nation, and [that they might learn] when this would be accomplished. [I continued by saying] that Paemingo then, was the only one who had held to the word which, in leaving, he had given to his father, [and] that I went so far as to hope that he would not stop [halfway] in such a good course, but that he would do his utmost to obtain for us the satis- faction which we demand of the Tchactas, so that it might be possible to re-establish among them a peace, which, in all appearance, has been troubled only with the consent of all the captains, red chiefs, and other notables of the nation, who had given no proofs of their zeal and fidelity in our service. This sharp reproach, vehemently uttered, as- tonished the Soulier Rouge of the Yanabe to such a point, that he asked a second time to speak in private, saying that JOURNAL OF DE BEAUCHAMPS he would demand nothing better than to satisfy the French and to reestablish the [supply of] munitions and goods, in order to ward off the misery to which we were going to reduce them; [and] that further, if they did not do us justice, they would be despised by the other nations who would rightly regard them as ungrateful and faithless. The I2th Tamatlemingo of the AUibamonts, his son, and a Tchactas of the Yanabe [who] is settled among them, arrived in company with the Souliers Rouges [sic] of Tom- bekbe, and Rassetaou mastabe of the Conchas; the Chika- chae people received them with, in appearance, a demon- stration of friendship. After they had rested a little and had had to eat, the savages were assembled together and I spoke to Tamatlemingo and told him to set forth to all the savages of the assembly, in which there were several Tchac- tas of different villages, the subject of his journey and to conceal nothing from them. Thereupon he commenced his address with much gentle- ness and calmness saying that he did not know well the Tchactas language but that he would express himself as best he could. He began by saying that he was surprised that the Tchactas had not yet rendered us justice in the matter of the three Frenchmen who had been assassinated among them, [but] that without doubt they did not realize the seriousness of it. It is amazing, said he, that, receiving daily benefits from the French you should have been carried to this extreme; do not count in the least upon the Eng- lish, your hopes would be ill founded; so there are only the Chikachas who can have abused you in that way in order to make you wretched and to avenge themselves upon you at their pleasure, cutting you off from all aid from the French as well as from the English ; that they ought to know that these latter were not people to give them any presents, as did the French ; that at the very most they might be able to trade their skins to them if they took them to the Chicakas [but] that as for ammunition they were not able to furnish four of their villages with it ; that they knew, on their own account how it was, being neighbors of the Eng- 389 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES lish; that without the French whom they have among them they would lack absolutely for ammunition unless they wanted to load their guns with limbourg ^ and other articles ; of merchandise ; in that case, said he, perhaps the English ■ could furnish them a little ; that they should rest assured i of what he said to them, although the Tchactas of evil intentions made him pass for a liar ; that, indeed, he had not come to bring them a message, but only, on behalf of j M. Leseur as well as of the AUibamonts, Talapouches, Abekas, i Caoiiytas and other nations of his district, to see if justice j had been rendered us ; that if the Tchactas doubted what I he told them they could send some of their spies with him ] to the Allibamons, to report back to them what the nations | of those quarters think of them. He added that he was \ surprised that the Tchactas should hearken to Ymatahat- i chitou, in preference to the French from whom they received | so many daily benefits ; that the trader who was at the j Chikachas, and whom he mentioned by name, was nothing 1 but a thief, who would not dare to return home ; that he ] was surprised that the Tchactas should have confidence in ; a man of that character, [to the extent of] abandoning a certainty. Then he recounted what had taken place upon ' the occasion of the [incident of the] pieces of scalp which ; Ymatahatchitou had sent by a Tchactas to the Abecouchys 1 Abekas, his story conforming to what M. Le Sueur had told : me, and, said, moreover that all the nations today found j themselves reunited at the fire of the French, and that there - were only the Tchactas, like a little circle (which he illus- trated by joining his thumb to his forefinger) who would be j miserable, because of their mistakes ; that the Chaouanons had come to them [i.e. the AUibamonts] saying that they had just made peace with the Cheraquis, that M. De Bertet,^ i commandant at the Illinois, had whitened the land of all the northern quarter, and that they come to them for the | same purpose — which [overture] the AUibamonts and others ^ A kind of French cloth much in demand among the Indians. * Chevalier de Bertel or Bertet was commandant in the Illinois . country in 1 742-1 749. gj! 2go 9 JOURNAL OF DE BEAUCHAMPS have accepted. The twelve Chaoiianons returned satisfied with [the result of] their mission, and promised M. Lesueur that this spring a hundred of them would come to settle down under the fort. He told them again that the English- man gave no presents at all to the red men, that he gave nothing except for skins and that the inhabitants of the village where he dwelt were obliged to furnish him with provisions. In short this chief spared no effort and said all that he could to appeal to the Tchactas. Perceiving how little movement they made I said to him that their hearts were harder than steel. The captain of the Chikachae, after the speech of Tamat- lemingo, made a little speech to the assembly, presenting to it a bow and some arrows and saying that he had just tried his ancient arms but that he could no longer make use of them, having lost the art ; hoping thereby to touch his auditors and make them realize how wretched they would be should we abandon them. The young Tchactas, nephew of the Soulier Rouge of the Yanabe, [who had] come with Tamatlemingo then spoke very well in our behalf, pointing out to his uncle that time was precious and that he ought to profit by it in giving us satisfaction ; that it was useless for the Tchactas to think that the English could supply their necessities or that they would come among them ; that he knew only too well the effects remembering the disobliging manners of that nation towards him in former times ; furthermore the English traded not at all or but very little in ammunition, which had led the Allibamonts, Talapouches, Abekas and Caouylas to cherish and regard the French infinitely more than the English, who ever sowed evil words among the nations for the purpose of troubling them ; whereas the words of the French were always the same, that is to say, white and beneficent for the red men ; and he assured [them] that all that Tamatlemingo had said was true. This discourse publicly uttered by a Tchactas made a very good effect. The Soulier Rouge of the Yanabe then forbade the Chi- kachae to share their munitions with the other Tchactas 2gi TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES in order that the latter might the more speedily come to want ; that as for himself, he would never leave the French and would carefully avoid the English, except to kill them if they came among the nation ; [and] that he would always, with pleasure, carry out the will of M. De Vaudreuil his father. He then spoke to me in private and asked if no one had volunteered to kill Ymatahatchitou ; I told him No, not wishing to let him know who had given me their word [to do so]. I said to him that he was young and full of ambition and that he ought to persuade Paemingo of the Castachas, Taskaouamingo, captain of the Boukfouka, [the Captain] of Toussana, and Illetaska of the Ymongoulachas to have that act of reparation done by Tatoulimataha, elder brother of Ymatahatchitou, in order to avoid the conse- quences. He replied that he did not wish to have the cap- tain of Boukfouka co-operate with him, that he was too ambitious, — which did not displease me as I had learned that he had given his consent to the death of the French- men — but that he would gladly join with Paemingo, re- garding [however] the others as suspects. He asked me if the one who should kill Ymatahatchitou would be given the medal, which I promised him, together with the present of [the position of] Captain [for the second] and [for] the third, the present of [the position of] village chief, as well as a reward for the warriors, whereupon he replied that that business could be accomplished in a fortnight after my arrival at Mobille not being willing to attempt anything while I should be among them, or on the road, for fear lest some accident might befall me or my men. At eleven o'clock of the evening he came to ask me if I would give him two pieces of llmbourg in addition to what I had promised him. I replied that I would, and even more If It were neces- sary ; [I said] that the message of his father, and my message would remain with the Reverend Father Baudoiiln in my absence, as well as at Tombekbe. He requested of me a great secrecy in this affair ; I told him that I would observe it most religiously but that I could not dispense with communicating the matter to Mrs. De Vaudreuil and 292 JOURNAL OF DE BEAUCHAMPS Louboey. Tell them, said he, but let them speak of it to no one.^ The I2th the courier, whom I had despatched to M. De Louboey the first of this month to notify him of my arrival at the Tchactas (indicating to him the small satisfaction I had had from the speeches which the Chikachaes had made me), arrived with the reply to my letter and brought me another letter for Tombekbe. The i^ih Tatoulimataha arrived with the former chief of Tchanke.- After I had told him the object of my jour- ney, as [I had told] the others, he replied that as for him, he would never make an attempt upon the life of his brother ; that, aside from that, he was always inclined toward the French and would not abandon them ; that his brother's faction was too strong [for him] to dare risk killing him ; that even were he promised a storehouse full of wares he would not do it ; that if others than he wished to undertake it, they should take care that it did not come to his knowl- edge, because he could not avoid going over to his [brother's] faction if he [i.e. his brother] should be killed ; that, in spite of that, he could not approve of the wicked deed which his brother had had committed against the French ; that he knew, from of old, that his heart was evil, and he had many times blamed him for it. Nevertheless, if he [his brother] should pass on to the Abekas or the Talapouches, we would be free to have him [his brother] killed, and not only would he [himself] not say a word, but he would be rejoiced. It is useless, said he, to think of having him killed by his [own] nation. He added that if his brother had committed that evil deed it was only because of desperation at seeing how he had been treated, formerly, at Tombekbe, together with * Ymatahatchitou, or Red Shoe, was not killed until the summer of 1748 after the more influential chiefs of the nation had decided that he should be sacrificed as a means of restoring peace between the warring factions, and even then his death was of no avail, for the English by means of bribes had a younger brother placed at the head of their faction and the war was continued. ^ Chunkey, a Choctaw town in the neighborhood of the "Six Villages." 293 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES the 111 treatment he had received, both in his own person and In the persons of his wives. He even asked If It was by order of M. the governor that there were sent chiefs and other Frenchmen, who were In the nation, to employ Insulting terms towards them and their wives. That we ought to know that that caused much hard feeling and that the red men killed each other for such things. He added that his brother had seen with indignation the little importance that we made of him ; that It even seemed that a trader had been placed with Pouchlmataha at Toussana, only for the purpose of emphasizing it ; [all of] which had determined him the more promptly to commit that folly ; that It was true that the English had demanded but one French head for an Englishman who had been killed by the Tchactas of the village of the Bols Bleux ; that the warriors had exceeded his order, which made matters worse. He also said that the partisans of his brother hoped that the English would have supplied them with goods and munitions in abundance, but that they already realized that their hopes were vain and futile ; that an Abekas of the west who had been to the Chlkachas to trade his skins, had returned from there much dissatisfied, without having brought back either goods or munitions ; that the Chlkachas had told him that they did not have any for themselves [and] that even If they had they would not trade with him and that he could carry back his skins, which he was obliged regretfully to do. Upon his return he had displayed his dissatisfaction to Ymatahatchitou, who was much surprised [and] told him to have patience until the English convoy should arrive, when they would have everything In abun- dance. That is the way that man feeds them with Imagi- nation, while we are unable to obtain anything with the reality, either through our presents or through trade. I sounded this Captain In private : he replied to me that It was true that in the beginning, [upon the occasion] of the death of the Frenchmen, he had given the Reverend Father Baudoiiln some hope that he would avenge us, but that to-day, whatever attachment he might have for us he 294 .1 JOURNAL OF DE BEAUCHAMPS would not dare to undertake such an affair. And he said to me nothing more. The former chief of Tchanke spoke well, in the evening, for us ; and [spoke] ill in the morning. The 14th Tamatlemingo, with his men, took leave of me and promised to hasten to the Allibamonts to deliver the letter, with which I had charged him, to M. Lesueur, whom I directed, as soon as he should have received it, to send to the Abekas to prevent the English from taking any extra merchandise to the Chikachas, so that these latter should not be able to trade anything to the Tchactas, and to spare neither effort nor goods to keep them [the Tchactas] away from those parts, that being the surest method of forcing them, in spite of themselves, to give us satisfaction, thus putting us in a position to reform many of the rascals of that faithless nation who indirectly have been accomplices in the affair of Ymatahatchitou. Tamatlemingo, to whom I confided my thought, appre- ciated fully the importance of it, and promised to make all possible diligence [saying] that on the day after his arrival he would take the orders of M. Lesueur to go to the Abekas where he would act in conformity with my intentions. I also wrote by him to M. Hazeur and told him that I was leav- ing with some hope of [securing] vengeance ; that I had set everything in motion for the attainment of our ends ; that I was leaving to Providence, to the Reverend Father Bau- doiiin, and to him to do the rest; and above all that he should not delay Tamatlemingo [explaining the reasons], but that, on the contrary, he should urge him to make great diligence ; that he should trade no more munitions to the Tchactas ; the Reverend Father Baudouin will act in the same way, on his side. The 14th after having taken leave of the Reverend Father Baudouin, recommending him to appeal strongly to those who seemed well inclined toward us, and to bring it to pass that the promised reward should not fall to the race of the rebel, so that we might be in a position to degrade it [the race] later, I was about to mount my horse when I was 295 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES told that some chiefs of the district of the east were arriving in the village. I waited for them until ten o'clock, [but] seeing that they did not come I told the Reverend Father to announce to them the message of M. the governor, to make them a small present as I had done to those who came to see me, and to take the medal of Choubkooulacta if they brought it, and to send it to me. I mounted my horse that I might join my men who had left that morning for the YolJanys, ten leagues distant, where I arrived in the evening. They received me with affability and assured me of their fidelity. The 15th, in the morning, I left for the River of Baka- tanne, which I reached by evening, by roundabout and difficult roads in order to avoid surprises, the savages of our escort fearing much for us, which led them to make us take an indirect route. ^ The i6th at daybreak the Taskanangouchy of the Youanis joined me, with letters from M. Hazeur and one from the Reverend Father Baudoiiin, who sent me the medal of Choulkoualacta, telling me that Uatachimingo [and] Thiououlacta had come to see me and to assure me of the fidelity of all the district of the east, that they had handed over the medal to him, which he sent me, that he was even sorry that I had not seen them, because I would have been as satisfied with them as I had reason for being dissatisfied with the Oiigou lafalaya and with the six villages ; but that he had not left them in ignorance of anything as regarded the object of my journey, and that they had all promised to act accordingly. The lyth and the i8th we continued our journey without any misadventures. We had rain day and night and were obliged to cross several ravines and creeks with unbeliev- able troubles and fatigues. The igth we set out early In the morning. We had much bad weather and were obliged to cross still further ravines and creeks which were much more difficult and ^ Fausser la route. 296 JOURNAL OF DE BEAUCHAMPS troublesome than [those of] the two preceeding days, since we were in water up to the belly, I was even obliged to leave two of my horses three leagues from here, they not being able to hold themselves up any longer. In spite of all that my people came back in good health. I arrived at Mobille towards one hour after midday. I dismounted at the house of M. De Louboey, where I recounted to him, in few words, the success of my journey, to tell him more when I should have changed, being all drenched. That, then is the fruit of the journey which I have made with pleasure for the service of the King and of the Country. May God bless my work Signed De Beauchamps. 297 JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN PHINEAS STEVENS' JOURNEY TO CANADA, 1752 i ■» i INTRODUCTION Phineas Stevens and three younger brothers were with their father in a meadow near Rutland, Massachusetts, when, the 14th of August, 1723, they were surprised by five Indians. The father escaped, two brothers were killed, Phineas and the other brother, Isaac, were taken prisoners. Phineas was a youth in his eighteenth year; Isaac, a child of four. The Indians resolved to kill the child, but Phineas saved his life by making them understand that he would carry him on his back. They were taken to Canada, but were soon ransomed. In 1740 Stevens removed to the frontier town Number Four (now Charlestown, New Hamp- shire) of which he was one of three principal founders, and here, in 1747, with a garrison of only thirty men he success- fully defended a wooden fort against a war party of three hundred or more French and Indians under Boucher de Niverville. Throughout the third Intercolonial War he was frequently commissioned by Governor Shirley to com- mand volunteers for the defense of the frontier. Peace having been concluded, Shirley sent him to Canada in 1749 to recover whatever prisoners were held there either by the French or by the Indians, and in 1752 Acting Gover- nor Phips sent him thither on a second mission for the same purpose. While on each of these missions he kept a journal. That kept on the first mission was published in 1837 in the Collections of the New Hampshire Historical Society, Vol. V. That kept on the second mission is the one here printed. It is especially valued for its record of the ransom of John Stark, the hero of Bennington, for "an Indian poney . . . for which we paid 515 livres." The original journal was found on one occasion "at the bottom of an old churn in a garret in Charlestown." It was subsequently removed to the State House at Montpelier, Vermont, but was there destroyed by fire in January, 1857. A copy of it, however, has been preserved in the Library of Congress. 301 JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN PHINEAS STEVENS' JOURNEY TO CANADA, 1752 Instructions to Capt: Phineas Stevens and Mr. Nathaniel Wheelwright, appointed to proceed to Canada, to negotiate the restoration of the Captives belonging to this Province, now remaining in the hands of the French or Indians there. You are hereby directed with all convenient speed to proceed to Albany, and there furnishing yourselves with a suitable Guide and Guides and other Assistance necessary for your convenient and safe Travel, to go direct to the Fort at Crown Point, and upon your arrival there apply your- selves to the Commanding Officer of that Garrison, and after shewing him your Passport and acquainting him with your general business, request of him to give Orders for your Speedy and Safe Conveyance to the Governour or Com- mander in Chief of the Province of Canada.^ And upon your arrival at the place of Residence of the said Commander-in-Chief, immediately wait on him, and deliver my Letter to him shew him your Passport, and take his time for receiving his Answer to my demand of his delivering up, without Ransom, the Captives in the hands of the French or Indians ; which you are to urge as far as you shall find necessary, or Convenient. But if you find he cannot be prevailed with to release the Captives without Ransom, you must treat with him about their release upon the easiest and most reasonable Terms that may be obtained. You must use all the advantages you may have of getting a knowledge of the several Prisoners, whether English or ^ Charles Lemoyne, Baron de Longueuil, was Governor of Canada from February to July, 1752. 302 j I JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN PHINEAS STEVENS Indians belonging to this Province, now remaining in that Country, with their respective Circumstances and Condi- tion, and if it should be pretended that any of them are unwilling to return you must endeavour, if it be possible to come at a Speech with them, and use your best endeavours to prevail upon them to return with you, with the leave of the Governour or Commander-in-Chief. You are hereby impowered and directed to draw upori the Province Treasurer, for such sum or sums as you may find necessary, as well for the Ransome of the Prisoners, as for the Charge of their Travel and other Contingencies that may require it, or use such other way or method of supply- ing your Credit as you may find most suitable. When your business is finished and you have received the Governour of Canada's Despatches for this Government, take back your English Passport and get one from the French Governour for your safe conduct home. You must keep a Journal of your Proceedings, and also an Account of the Articles of Expense of the Publick money put into your hands, and lay the same before me and the Council, at your return. Cambg ^ April the 15th 1752. 8. Phips.'^ [Cambrg N.E., April 14. 1752. SlR,3 This comes to your Excellency by Captain Phineas Stevens, who was employed by Governour Shirley, before his departure for Great Britain, to carry Dispatches to you. The Affair Captain Stevens was then engaged in (viz. to procure the recovery and return of our Captives in the hands of the French and Indians) being not yet fully effected, I have sent him together with Mr. Nathaniel Wheelwright, ^ Cambridge, Massachusetts. 2 Spencer Phips was Acting Governor of Massachusetts in 1749-1753- ^ The Governor of Canada. 303 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES with these my Letters to you : And with Directions to do every thing necessary on the part of this Government, for the Deliverance of the rest of our Captives, still remaining in any part of the Government of Canada. You will therefore please to receive these Gentlemen in the Character of Messengers from this Government, for transacting the Affair abovementioned, and give them all the assistance necessary to make their Business successfull, that so, (if it be possible) there may not remain one single subject of This His Majesty's Government, either English or Indian under their miserable Captivity. And I am the rather moved to urge this Business with freedom and importunity, by reason of the solicitous care our respective Masters have expressed to have this matter completely effected ; as you will see by the inclosed Copy of his Most Christian Majesty's Order to your Excellency (which I suppose you have received,) the Counterpart of which I have also received from his Britannick Majesty, my most Gracious Master; and I have so completely ful- filled the Directions contained therein, as that I am well assured that there is not one single Person, French or Indian, Subject of his Most Catholick Majesty, or in alliance with him, under Captivity, in any part of this Government. I must in a particular manner repeat my pressing Demands for the restoration of any of those Indians, (now surviving) the Subjects of this his Majesty's Government, who were taken upon the Sea, being on a Whaling Voyage, or any other Indians belonging to this Province, some of whom it has been reported are treated as Slaves, tho' in this Province they live in as much freedom as the English themselves. It seems highly unjust and contrary to the Form of the Articles of Peace, always stipulated between the Powers of Europe, that this Government should be put to any charge for the Ransom of Prisoners of War, after a Peace con- cluded ; and I am confident that no one instance can be produced of any Ransom being paid by the French Govern- ment or private persons for the release of their Prisoners or that their Release was ever denied them under pretence of 304 4 JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN PHINEAS STEVENS their being in the hands of the Indians : And therefore I must once more urge my Demand that all the Prisoners belonging to this Government may be discharged without Ransom. I have [remainder of this letter missing] April 27, 1752. I set out from No. 4.^ for Canada, my son Samuel with me; came two miles below Fort Turner; and lodged at Caleb Hows. April 28th. Hired said How with two horses (for which I paid him two dollars) came to Deerfield. Lodged at Col. Hinsdell's. April 2gth. To Hatfield, where I met with Mr. Wheel- wright, and returned with him to Deerfield the same day, where we remained, preparing for our journey till May 4th then set out and came at Francis Taylor's, 12 miles, and lodged a ^ i dollar. May ^th. To Fort Massachusetts,^ accompanied by Capt. Moses. May 6th. After making a present to the soldiers of one dollar, we set out, accompanied by Capt. Williamson, till noon ; then took our leave of him, and came to Albany. Same day had an account of three soldiers being drowned in the morning of the said day, belonging to the fort at Albany. May yth we spent in visiting and consulting with some of the chief men in the place how to proceed in our Journey to Canada. May 8th. We agreed with an Indian to assist with his son in our journey ; and also engaged Mr. Sanders ^ (the mayor of the city) to provide all things needful for our journey. May Qth. We sent a man to Skanately ^ to buy a canoe, for a suitable one was not to be found in Albany. ^ Now Charlestown, New Hampshire. 'For. ^ Fort Massachusetts was near the site of the present town of Adams, Massachusetts. * Robert Sanders was Mayor of Albany in 1750-1754. ^ Skaneateles, N. Y. 30s TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES May loth. Lords Day — exceeding dry sermon. May nth. The two Indians came from Stockbridge, in order to go with us. May I2th. Fixed our canoe, and set all things in readi- ness for our journey. May ijth. I set out from Albany, with Heywood, and Samuel; and the two Indians came with our canoe and lading i6 miles, and lodged at Jacob Foot's, a Dutchman. Alay 14th. I hired the said Dutchman to carry our baggage in a wagon to Stillwater, 6 miles. I with the two Indians came up the swift water in the canoe. Then took the lading and came to Saratogue ^ and lodged [having trav- elled] 24 miles this day. Mr. Wheelwright came on horse- back this day from Albany, and lodged at Saratogue. May iph. I came with the canoe three miles above Lydies'es,^ and lodged at the foot of the falls. Mr. Wheel- wright lodged at Lydies'es. It rained at night. May i6th. Col. Lydies joined Mr. Wheelwright and met the canoe (at the place where we take our departure from Hulstines [or Hulstions] river) ^ with five horses which assisted us in carrying our baggage. We came this day half way over the carrying place, and lodged by the branch of Wood creek. It rained hard at night. May lyth. We came to the Lake St. Sacrement * about noon, with all our bagg[ag]e. Col. Lydies, with the two Indians with him, turned back. After we had mended our canoe, we embarked, and came eight miles, and camped on the west side of the lake. Showery weather. May i8th. Came over said lake. Lodged at the canoe- ing place from said lake to the drowned land. May igth. Carried our baggage over the carrying place ; then embarked, and came to the French settlements, three * Old Saratoga ; now Schuylerville. ^John Henry Lydius, who had built Fort Lydius to protect his settlement at the Falls of the Hudson. This fort was de- stroyed by the French and Indians in 1745 and ten years later the historic Fort Edward was erected on the same site. ' Hudson River. ^ Lake George. 306 JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN PHINEAS STEVENS miles south of Crown Point. Lodged in a French house. A very stormy day. Wind at head, and rain. May 2oth. The storm continued at North East and rained. We came to Crown Point at two o'clock afternoon. The commandant received us kindly. May 2ist. It stormed. We remained at the Fort. May 22d. The storm somewhat abated. We set off from the Fort at six afternoon in a large batteau accom- panied by a French officer and five soldiers ; came about two miles, and lodged on the east side of the lake ^ in a French house. N.B. The commandant of the Fort fitted us out with all things necessary for our journey. May 2jd. Set out very early in the morning. Cloudy and some rain ; but not much wind. Came about thirty miles ; the wind freshened up at northeast. We put into the mouth of a river, on the west side of the lake ; at which place there is a fine pine plain. After we had refreshed ourselves, we embarked and came twelve miles, and lodged on an island. May 24th. Lords day. The wind blew up at south. We hoisted sail at day light. The wind continued in our favor till afternoon, which brought us in sight of Fort La Motte ; then turned into the northeast. We then took down our sail, and rowed till four afternoon, which brought us to the south end of the above said island,^ in sight of a number of French houses ; but the wind so very high, and having a large bay to cross, we turned to the west shore. A little before night the wind fell : We crossed the bay three miles to a French house and lodged. May 25th. Set forward early in the morning. Came fifteen miles, and stopped at a French house on the east side, just above an Island. Below ^ said Island it is called Chamblee River.* Here we refreshed ourselves, etc. Then ^ Lake Champlain. ^ Isle La Motte. ' I.e. north of. * That part of the Richelieu or Sorel River above the Falls was at this time known as the Chambly River. 307 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES embarked, and came eighteen miles to St. Johns fort.^ Im- mediately upon our arrival the officer of the fort sent an express to La Prarie for horses and carts to convey our baggage from hence. May 26th. About ten in the morning the two carts came. After dinner loaded our things into the carts and came off. The officer, Mr. Wheelwright, and myself rode on horses sent for that purpose. Came to La Prarie a little before night. It rained most of the way. May 27th. A large batteau and a number of hands was made ready, which brought us to Montreal. We arrived at the Governor's about ten in the forenoon. After he had read our passport, letters, etc., we retired to Madam Carols where we took up our lodgings ; then returned to the Gov- ernor's, and dined. After this we visited the commissioners and several other gentlemen. May 28th and so [continued doing] till the joth [which] we spent in making the best inquiries we could where our prisoners were, etc. May Jist. The Sabbath day. It rained at night. June the ist. We dined with the Governor, and at night supped with an officer. This day a schooner arrived from Quebec, and we have a hint as if she brings news of a large army's being about to go to Jebuctoo ^ and also that a mutiny has happened amongst the soldiers at Quebec. June 2d. Had the news of the Indians killing and taking four of our people. June jd. Dined with the Commissary. June 4th. Mr. Linglauesne and his wife came to visit us. June 5th. Nothing remarkable. June 6th. Mr. Wheelwright and I wrote a letter to Gov- ernor Phips, and several other letters for New England. June yth. Sabbath day. Very hot weather. Ju7ie 8th. Mr. Wheelwright went to Connewago with a number of French gentlemen. ^ Fort Saint John was at the head of the falls of the Richelieu River. 2 Chebucto, now Halifax, Nova Scotia. 308 JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN PHINEAS STEVENS June gth. Had further news of more mischief being done on our people, and that three prisoners were brought to Crown Point. June loth. Paid a visit to the Governor, who told us he had no intelligence of any prisoner being brought to Crown Point. At night we supped at Mr. St. Luke Laurens. This day three men and a woman obtained a pass from the Governor and set out for New England themselves. Said the[y] belonged to the Province of Pennsylvania. June nth. Nothing remarkable. June 1 2th. I visited French's sisters. This day were told by John Tasble that the mischief the Indians had done on the English was at White River, and that there was six in company. Two made their escape ; two killed ; and two taken prisoners. At night was taken with a terrible purging. June ijth. I kept house with the same distemper. June 14th. Sabbath day. Two small schooners arrived at Montreal from Quebec, loaded with flour ; which might certainly denote a very great scarcity ; for the most of the supply for that place are in time of plenty carried from hence. This day dined at Madam Lestushes Supped at a gentleman's house near the same place. June i^th. Lewse, a Frenchman, (who lately came from Albany,) came to visit us. Gave an account of two negroes being taken at a place called Canterbury one ^ Merrimac River ; one of which he saw at Crown Point, bought by the Commissary of said Fort, for 400 Livres. The other made his escape the fortnight after he was taken. He also in- formed us he saw nine Indians set off from thence for war, who told him they designed for some of the English settle- ments, for if they must fight the English they would not go so far. They look upon them to be all one people. June i6th. It thundered and rained a small matter in the morning. Mr. Wheelwright set off for Quebec about 12 o'clock, with Mr. Deplace, the high Sheriff. We have iQn. 309 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES repeated accounts of the Dureedweer Indians doing [evil] upon the French traders in the westward, which puts the merchants in Montreal into a consternation. There is nothing can hurt this country so much as to distress their trade in those parts : for their income from thence seems to be the dependance of the whole country. Vast numbers are employed in that business. We are told that 200 large birch canoes and batteaux are gone up the river this spring — some five, and some six men each; so that upwards of a thousand men are already gone upon that business. Their method of carn-'ing on the trade is for the chief traders of factors to remain in that country' for three or four years, and have supplies sent them yearly. Tis said some of these traders go 3000 miles ; but their supplies are not sent so far — they go no farther than some of the French forts that are kept in those parts — viz — those westward parts. So these ramblers are obliged to return once a year to said forts for a new supply. Could our people be so well spirited in time of war as to go and destroy those forts, it must in a short time so impoverish Canada that it must fall an easy prey into our hands. June ijth. A soldier was shot to death for deserting from some of the French forts in the westward. This day I received a letter from Mr. Hardwick, a prisoner at St. Francois, taken from Chebucto.^ June i8th. It thundered and rained a small matter, but the drought is very great. The wheat in this country suffers very much. There is intelligence from Quebec that several vessels are arrived there from France laden with flour and pork. Juni igth. I received a letter from the missionary of St. Francis and another from the abovementioned woman. A number of Indians came to town to night. Tis said they have brought two scalps, and two prisoners ; but it wants confirmation. June 20th. I went round the town to look for a good ^ Now Halifax, Nova Scotia. 310 JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN PHINEA5 STE\'ENS gun. The scalps abovementioned were brought from the westward, and tis said are Indian's scalps. June 2ist. Sabbath day. Hot and dry. June 22d. A number of the chiefs of the St. Francois Indians came to Montreal, and showed me the respect as to come the same day and pay me a visit. June 23d. After dinner the Governor sent for me to appear before him and his council to receive a message from the St. Francois Indians. I accordingly did and after their spokesman had made his speech, he delivered me a large belt of wampum, which he said I must deliver with his message to the Governor at Boston. The same day I gave my old Indian father a hat, price 10 Livres — he being one of the chiefs abovementioned. June 24th. I sent a letter to one of the Jesuits at St. Francois by an Indian. June 2jth. I had a hint from an Indian as if a belt of wampum was come into this countr\^ from some of the Six Nations in order for a treaty with some or all the tribes of Indians here. There is numbers of the former tribes of Indians coming to Montreal every few days. The drought is now very extraordinary'. The wheat in this country*, tis thought, has received so much damage already that a crop cannot be expected this year, and as they had but a very small crop last year, the calamity of this country must cer- tainly in a little time be ver>' great. June 26th. Something likely for rain, but very hot and dry. June 2Jth. A small matter of rain fell in the morning; in the afternoon windy and dr>'. The great probability of a scarcity casts a sadness in all faces. In the evening it clouded up and bid fair for rain, but broke away with but a small sprinkling. June 28th. Sabbath day, and kept as a day of rejoicing with them for the birth of a young prince born in France, they have lately had news of.^ They went in procession ^ Louis, due de Bourgogne, bom September 13, 175 1, eldest son of the Dauphin, eldest grandson of Louis XV., and heir to the throne. Louis XVI. was his younger brother. 311 TRAVELS IN THE A^IERICAN COLONIES and fired all their cannon, viz. 33 in number. A black cloud came up at night, but no rain. June 2gth. I paid my respects to the Governor. He informed me of a great difficulty at Chebucto, but did not let me know what it was about. ^ June joth. Four large birch canoes containing nine or m ten Indians each came to Montreal. Tis said those Indians' place of abode is i8cxD miles from hence. There came also a batteau with nine or ten Frenchmen to town from a French fort west of our English governments, 900 miles from hence. They brought with them an Englishman, who deserted from some of our Indian traders from Philadelphia. His name is Jonathan Lafavour. There came also four canoes of Indians from Albany. July 1st. A large number of Indians came to town from Becanco[ur] an Indian town on the south side the Great River near the Three Rivers. This day a number of women came to the Commissary for bread, and upon his refusing to let them have any, one of them took him by the throat. Ex- ceeding hot and dry weather. July 2d. I received a letter from Mr. Wheelwright at Quebec informing of his speedy arrival at Montreal. The weather is yet exceeding hot. July jd. Mr. Wheelwright returned to Montreal from Quebec ; brought with him two men taken at New Medows last summer. Great numbers of Indians are daily coming to town to receive their presents from their fathers, as they term it. July 4th. Two of the Ottawa Indians, being almost drunk, fell out to such a degree that one stabbed the other with his knife so that he expired in a few minutes. An old Indian that sit by and see the action ordered a lad of about 14 or 15 years of age (being a near relation of him that was stabbed) to charge his gun and be ready to kill the other as soon as the first was dead. The boy accordingly did with deliberation. The French people that were by told the murderer to make his escape. He moved off" slowly. The boy stood with his gun in his hand till his kinsman was quite gone ; and as soon as he see him fetch his last breath, 312 JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN PHINEAS STE\'ENS he went after the other with as much calmness as he was in pursuit of some game. When the murderer saw the lad after him he endeavored to hide himself; but the boy was so lucky as to see him lie down in a place of wheat. The boy went as near as he thought convenient, and then first gave him a mortal wound ; but he retained so much strength that he rose up and pursued the boy but not far. The old Indian that gave the boy his orders seeing that he was not killed outright ran with his knife and gave him several stabs, so that he died immediatelv — so that in half an hour's time they were both dead. This was transacted just with- out the wall of Montreal. July jth. Sunday. Two prisoners were brought to town from St. Francoes, viz. Seth Webb and Amos Eastman. We bought them at 300 Livres each, and ten livres each for the charge of bringing them to Montreal.^ July 6th. I received a letter from the missionar}^ of St. Franscoes. July yth. Mrs. Honor Hancok, a prisoner taken from Jebucto was brought to Montreal ; which we bought at 300 livres, and 30 livres for the charge of bringing her. July 8th. Mr. Wheelwright and I went to visit a captive girl named Elizabeth Cody. She lived at the hospital south of the town. July gth. A great number of the St. Franscoes Indians came to Montreal. Brought with them some of our cap- tive boys. There came up a smart thunder shower at night, and for about half an hour it rained hard, so that the water run in brooks in the streets. July loth. Mr. Wheelwright and I paid our respects to the Governor, in the morning. [In the] Afternoon I bought two guns, price 65 livres, 10 sous, each ; of which Mr. ^ In Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the Stat^ 0/ Nnu York, Vol. X, pp. 252-254, is a copy of what purports to be minutes of conference of Stevens with the St. Francis Indians held this day — July 5, 1752 — in the presence of the Baron de Longueuil. For some of the captives named below, see C. Alice Baker, True Stories of N etc England Captives, pp. 335-348. 313 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Wheelwright paid 66 livres, 15 sous. The heat increases very much. July nth. An exceedingly hot day. Being by the river side I see the French people dig ice out of the bank, which was hove up in the winter and covered by the bank falling down upon it. They use this ice to preserve their fresh meat. July I2th. Sabbath day. Hot and dry. Clouds of smoke are rising in all parts of this country — a surprising sight at this time of year. July ijth. Mr. Wheelwright and my self went before the Governor with a Dutch girl taken in the war, named Elizabeth Cody, and an English boy named Solomon Met- chel, 12 years old taken about one year ago. Upon their refusing to go home the Governor would not give them up. The same day John Starks ^ was brought to Montreal by his Indian Master. He was taken a hunting this spring. He is given us for an Indian poney in his place, for which we paid 515 livres. July 14th. We took our leave of the Governor and the rest of the chief Officers and made all things ready for our return to New England. July 15th. We set out from Montreal for New England. Brought with us eight prisoners, viz: two taken from Je- bucto, Thomas Stanard and Honor Hancock; two men from New Hampshire, Amos Estmon and John Stark, taken a hunting; Joseph Fortner, taken west of Pennsylvania; from the Massachusetts Edmund Hinckley, Samuel Lam- bart, and Seth Webb. We came this day to Laperary.^ It rained a smart shower as we crossed the river, and some in the night. July i6th. Set out from thence — came to St. Johns. Our baggage was brought in carts. An officer is sent with us, who has orders to conduct us to the first English land. We remained till 5 afternoon, then set out with a batteau and a birch canoe. Came 18 miles and lodged. July 17th. Embarked very early in the morning. Came 1 John Stark, the hero of the Battle of Bennington (August 16, 1777). ^ La Prairie. 314 JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN PHINEAS STEVENS about 45 miles. Met several canoes from. Albany. It rained some showers. July I2th. Sabbath day. Two small barks arrived from Quebec. I this day saw a man in prison. [He said] His name was Johnson and that he had an uncle in Boston, named George Johnson, and a kinsman one \Vm. Johnson. His father, he says, lives in Edinburgh in Scotland, and is a man of note. Look back for the I2th day and then add this above. July i8th. Embarked early in the morning — wind at head and some rain. We came to the mouth of Otter creek and turned ashore to lodge ; but the small flies were so plenty that we could not sleep. We embarked again about 2 at night — wind at northeast and some hard showers of rain. We hoisted sail and came to Crown Point about sun- rise. I would note that my old Indian master came in the canoe with me and that the quarter part of the St. Fransioes Indians have left their town for want of protection, and are on the road to the Dutch Settlements. We remained at Crown Point all day, being Sabbath day. The wind blew hard all the day, but we could not prevail with the Indians, being none here but of the St. Fransioes tribe. The negro which the Commissary of the fort bought of the Indian taken at Canterbury, we cannot get for the same money we sup- pose he bought him for. The gentleman declares he gave 600 livres for him. We have been informed he gave but 400 — the captain's lady told us she was offered him for that money. July 20th. The Indians we had engaged to go with us to Lydies's failing us and not coming, obliged us to remain at the fort all day. Just at night agreed with two other Indians so that Mr. Wheelwright and five of our people set off at sunset. I with the rest lodged at the fort. July 2ist. I, with the people left with me, set out from Crown Point at ten in the morning, accompanied by an officer and ten soldiers, who brought us in two log canoes. We came all night up the drowned land. Arrived at the landing place at the west end of the great bay west of the TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES mouth of wood creek. At 8 the next morning we slept and refreshed ourselves till two afternoon; then bound up our packs and set forward. Came about one mile and passed by a family of Indians. Came 7 miles and camped. July 2jd. In the mo[r]ning I missed my sword which I had left at the place where we first took up our packs. Sent two men back : they found it with the Indians above- mentioned. We came this day to Col. Lydis's. Met with Mr. Wheelwright (who came by the way of the lake St. Sacrement.^ He was obliged to leave the canoe and load- ing on the carrying place. The Indians leaving him, he came to Lydeses for help. July 24th. I went with Lydieses son with three horses to assist in getting our things to Hutson's River. I hired two Mohawks to carry the canoe. Brought our things to the river and returned to Lydyes at night met great numbers of the St. Francois Indians coming to Albany with beaver. July 25th. Came from Lydyeses to Saratogue. Lodged at Mr. Killians. The two Mohawks that brought our canoe over the carrying came thus far with us for which we paid them six dollars. July 26th. Sabbath day. Mr. Wheelwright and his man came on horseback to Albany. I with the canoe and the rest of our people came within 10 miles of Albany. I paid 3 dollars for the carrying our things by the bad water. July 27th. Came to Albany about 12 o'clock. Remained there the rest of the day. July 28th. I remained at Albany upon the desire of a number of the St. Francois Indians, who this day had a sort of treaty with the Dutch Traders. They met at 10 fore- noon — [They] made a small speech to the Dutch, in which they manifest a great desire for peace; then delivered a belt of wampum and a pack of beaver. The Dutch de- sired their attendance at 3 afternoon. They accordingly met, when the Dutch made their speech, in which they gave them free liberty to come and trade without molesta- 1 Lake George. 316 JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN PHINEAS STEVENS tlon, and [told them] that the road was open. Then [the Dutch] made them a present of a belt of wampum, and two pieces of 2 kegs of rum, tobacco, etc. The Indians received them thankfully. July 2Qth. I set out from Albany with my son. Came to the first Dutch house on Hoosack river, and lodged. Wm. Heywood and the seven prisoners who came off the day before lodged at Fort Massachusetts. July ^oth. I came to Capt. Rice's where I overtook the above said men. Here we all lodged. July Jist. Came to Deerfield and lodged. August 1st. I sent an express to Boston with the letters that came from Canada ; and four of the prisoners went down the country road for home, three of which belonged to the eastward, the others to Jebucto. I came with the rest of the people to Northfield. August 2d. Lords day. Went to meeting. After meet- ing came to Hinsdell's Fort ^ with my son and Joseph Fortner. The two Hampshire men set off for Wenchester.^ August jd. Came with my son to No. 2. Left Fortner with Col. Hinsdell. Wm. Heywood remains at Northfield to hunt for his horse, that left him at the carrying place. August 4th. Came to No. 4. Found my family all well, my wheat all reaped, etc. August ^th and 6th. My people finished reaping my oats. August ph. I begun to them. August 8th. A paper was drew up, and signed for me to go to New Hampshire, etc. August gth. Lords day. August loth. A day of rain. I prepared for my Journey. August nth. I set out for Portsmouth. Came to Col. Hinsdells fort. August i2th. Stopped the greater part of day at said fort to get my linen washed. Came to Northfield at night. ^ Hinsdels Fort was near the west bank of the Connecticut River, a little above what is now the northern boundary of Massa^^ chusetts. A few miles N. by E. of it was Fort Dummer. * Winchester. 317 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES August ijth. [Came] to Deerfield to get my clothes. Returned the same day to Winchester, where I met Capt. Hubard. We lodged at Major Willards. August 14th. We came to and lodged at Col. Berrys house. It rained the most of the day. August i$th. [Came] to Luneinburge. August i6th. Lords day. August lyth. Hubard and I, in company with Mr. Bellows came to Col. Blanchard at Dunstable and lodged. August i8th. After dinner I set out from thence and came to Chester and lodged at Capt. Dalford's. August igth. Said Capt. set out with me and came to Portsmouth. I remained there till the 24th. In which time I lodged a proposition with the Governor and counsel for the township No. 4. I came from Portsmouth to Ipswich, and lodged at Mr. Rogers'. August 25th. Came to Boston by the way of Cambridge and Roxbury. August 26th. At Boston I lodged with Mr. Lyman. 27. I set out from Boston. Came as far as Marlborough. August 28th. [Came] to Rutland. August 2Qth. At Rutland. August 30th, Lords day. August Jist. Came from Rutland to Hardwicke. Sept. 1st. Came to Hatfield. Sept. 2nd. [Came] to Deerfield. Bought a trunk of Madam Hinsdell, in which I put my clothes and sent them to Northfield. The next day, which, according to act of Parliament,^ is the 14th. I came to Col. Hinsdells fort. It rained some Sept. i^th. I came to Killbruns at No. 3, and lodged. Sept. i6th. [Came] home to No. 4.^ Sept. iph. Lords day. From the ^ By the Act of Parliament here referred to eleven days were omitted in the record of time so that the day after September 2, 1752, was recorded as September 14, 1752. ^ There is a note in the margin as follows : Joseph Woods moved out of the fort this week. 318 JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN PHINEAS STEVENS i8th to the 23d exceeding dry weather. The Great River is thought to be as low as has been known these many- years past. Some of our people are gone down to Deerfield and Hatfield this week, viz. Dr. Hastings and wife, Joseph Willards and Hastings wives. Thos. Putnam and Isaac Parker went with a canoe for salt, etc. I this week begun to fall timber for a house. Sept. 24th. Sabbath day. Sept. 2jth. I sawed timber for clapboards etc. A great supply of rain at night. The water in puddles the next morning. Sept. 26th. It rained part of the day. Sept. 27th. A hard frost at night. Sept. 28th. I began to make a road at the south end of my house lot. Ebr. Putnam and his brother Larence set out upon a journey. Sept. 2gth. I finished the above said road. The whole cost me seven days work. Sept. joth. It rained hard afternoon. October ist. Lords day. Stephen Farnsworth had an ox killed by the fall of a tree. Oct. 2d. Wright had a barrel rum brought to the fort. I bought a three acre lot of Joseph Woods. Oct. jd. Elijah Grout left me and set out for home. Oct. 4th. I fell timber, etc. Oct. 5th. I begun to hew timber for my house. Oct. 6th. I gathered my corn. Oct. yth. I carted my corn. Oct. 8th. Sabbath day. It rained hard all day. Oct. gth. The storm continued. Oct. loth. At husking. Pleasant weather, but clouded up at night, and bid fair for more rain. Oct. nth. It rained the most of the day. Oct. I2th. I finished husking my corn. Oct. 13th. It rained part of the day. It is now a very wet season. Oct. 14th. Lieut. Bellows came to No. 4. Oct. ijth. Sabbath day. 319 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Oct. i6th. I fell timber, etc. Oct. iph. Stephen Davis came to town. '' Oct. i8th. I hewed timber with six scoope. The boat came to the falls with salt, rum, etc. Oct. igth. Hewed timber with 8 schooars. Oct. 20th. Hewed with 6 do. Doct. Hastings and wife re- turned home. Ruth Parker came home. Oct. 2ist. Hewed with six hands. Oct. 22d. Sabbath day. Oct. 23d. Hewed with six do. Our people are yet busy at harvesting. Oct. 24th. Five hands at hewing. Oct. 25th. Five do. This day two barrels [of] rum [were] brought to the fort. Oct. 26th. It rained hard the most of the day. Oct. 2ph. Four hands schooring. Drew part timber off. Oct. 28th. I finished hewing in the forenoon Three at schooring. Afternoon the carpenters went home. Oct. 2gth. Sabbath day. Oct. jost. I drew my hay out of the great meadow. Our cattle are now all let into said meadow. Oct. jist. There fell a small snow in the morning about 2 inches deep, but all went off before night. Nov. Jst., 2d., and jd. I drew timber for my house etc. Fine pleasant weather. We are now set out for Nov. 4th. Fine weather. Nov. 5th. Sabbath day, very warm for the season. I have a cow calf. Nov. 6th. Drew timber, etc. Nov. ph. Davis came in the morning, father Perry with him. Began to frame my house the same day. Nov. 8th. At framing. Deacon Addams and family came to No. 4. Nov. Qth. At framing. Lieut. Johnson's wife brought abed of a daughter. Nov. loth. At framing. This day a number of men from Woodstock came to No. 4. 320 JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN PHINEAS STEVENS Nov. nth. Forenoon It rained — obliged us to He by. Afternoon at raising. Begun to raise the sides of the house. Nov. I2th. Lords day. Our people begin to assemble together for the worship of God. Nov. 13th. At framing. The lower part of the house is almost up. Nov. 14th. At framing. A small snow fell at night. Nov. 15th. I begun to raise my house. Nov. i6th. I finished. Wheeler and old Mr. Putnam raised the same day. Davis and Jeremy went home. Nov. 17th and i8th. Nothing worth notice. Nov. iQth. Lords day. Nov. 20th. I sent my son Enos down to Hatfield in com- pany with several others. A stormy day. Nov. 2 1 St. The storm continued. Nov. 22d. I worked at my cellar. August loth 1752 Cash borrowed of John Hastings Jr 14 Spanish Dollars of Caleb Wright Do. 2 of Moses Wheeler i do. After I returned home I paid John Hastings one dollar, and allowed Wright for his on my bond against him. Nov. 23d. I went to No. 3 to help Lieut. Bellows raise his house and a barn. A small snow fell at night. Nov. 24th. We finished raising the above buildings and returned home. Cold for the season. A Short Description of the City of Montreal in Canada Viz : Its built on the south side of the great island called the Island of Montreal. This island Is said to be fifteen leagues in length and in breadth, called the most healthful part of their country, mostly inhabited by tenants put on by the priests and nuns ; for they own the greater 321 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES part of the land. The city is about f of a mile in length, and about lOO rods wide in the widest place. It stands on the side of St. Lawrence's river, encompassed round with a wall i6 or i8 feet high. The wall on the river side stands about three rods from highwater mark. The town lies upon a descent of land, so that from the water side to the upper part, or northwestwardly side of [the] town, is up hill, but not very steep. There is but two streets that go through the length of the town, and so about nine or ten cross streets. This town contains about four hundred dwelling houses, besides public buildings. There is five chapels or churches, viz : one for the barefoot friars ; one for the close nuns, to which joins the hospital ; one do. for the holy sisters, and one for the Jesuits ; and one which is called the great church, where the priests say mass. There is one more just without the walls on the south side joining to the Kings Hospital. N.B. The walls of the city are not so wide at the north end as at the south ; for at the north are but about thirty rods wide. Here is the battery, on a rise of land which commands all the city. 322 DIARY OF A JOURNEY OF MORAVIANS FROM BETHLEHEM, PENNSYLVANIA, TO BETHABARA IN WACHOVIA, NORTH CAROLINA, 1753 K -•i( I INTRODUCTION The Moravians made their first settlement in America, in 1735, on the lower Savannah River, where Count Zin- zendorf had obtained from the Georgia Trustees a grant of five hundred acres. Rather than bear arms against the Spaniards they removed to Pennsylvania in 1738-1740 and settled Bethlehem and Nazareth. Here by their industry and sobriety they won the good opinion of Thomas Penn, the proprietor, and with his assistance the Moravians pro- cured, in 1749, an Act of Parliament expressly designed to encourage their immigration to the British colonies in America, there to enjoy full liberty of conscience, exemption from military service for reasonable compensation, and per- mission to make a solemn affirmation instead of taking an oath. Under the new conditions the Moravians immediately set about to acquire a large tract of land in America on which to build a central town with administrative offices, and with trades, industries, and schools, the town to be also a center from which to carry on missionary work among the Indians, and the remainder of the tract to be sold to and occupied by Moravian farmers. Land was cheaper in North Carolina than in any of the colonies to the northward. Lord Gran- ville, President of the Privy Council, was proprietor of the northern portion of that colony, and he made a liberal off"er. Augustus Gottlieb Spangenberg, a bishop in the Moravian Church and superintendent of Moravian affairs in Penn- sylvania, was commissioned to select a suitable site. With five of the brethren, all on horseback, he set out from Beth- lehem the 25th of August, 1752. The party reached Eden- ton, North Carolina, the loth of September and was there joined by Lord Granville's agent and surveyor-general. Weeks of hardship followed, but late in December a site was 32s TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES selected in the region of the head waters of the Yadkin, and here a tract of 98,985 acres was surveyed and named Wachovia. Bishop Spangenberg returned to Bethlehem, ;| and in August, 1753 Lord Granville deeded the tract to the i agent of the Church for £500 and a yearly rent of three J shillings per hundred acres. M The next step was to establish a settlement, and to this \ end a party of twelve single men set out from Bethlehem the 8th of October with six horses and a wagon loaded with j their effects. The party consisted of Rev. Bernhard Adam Grube, the first minister of the new settlement ; Jacob Loesch, business manager ; Hans Martin Kalberlahn, phy- \ sician ; Henrich Feldhausen, carpenter; Erich Ingepretsen, ) carpenter ; Hans Petersen, tailor ; Jacob Lunge, gardener ; 1 Herman Loesch, farmer; Christopher Merkli, baker; \ Friedrich Jacob Pfeil, shoemaker and tanner ; Jacob Beroth, | farmer; and Johannes Lischer, farmer. Brethren Gottlob Koenigsderfer, Nathaniel Seidel, and Joseph Haberland accompanied them, but these three soon returned to Bethle- hem. The road which they traveled the greater part of i the distance was that from the Yadkin River to Philadelphia by way of the Shenandoah Valley, a road which at the time was in the making as the result of a general movement of ; Germans from Pennsylvania to the "back parts" of Mary- j land, Virginia, and North Carolina. ! It is the account of their journey that is given in this ' Diary which was written by one of the party, most likely 1 by Brother Grube. The original document is preserved in ; the Archives of the Moravian Church at Winston-Salem, i North Carolina ; the translation which is here printed is by | Miss Adelaide L. Fries, the Archivist. 326 DIARY OF A JOURNEY OF MORAVIANS FROM BETHLEHEM, PENNSYLVANIA, TO BETfLABARA IN WACHOVIA, NORTH CAROLINA, 1753 Travel Diary of the First Company of Single Brethren Going to North Carolina. 1753 At the evening service ("Singstunde") we were prepared for our journey, received the blessing from our dear Brother, and finally partook together of the "Cup of blessing." The next morning, that is Oct. 8, 1753, we rose early and made ready for our start, our dear Br. Christian Seidel ^ holding morning prayer for us. And so with a feeling of blessing and contentment we set out from our beloved Bethlehem, — the Brn, Grube, Jac. Losch, Feldhausen, Erich Ingepretsen, Petersen, Lunge, Hermanns Losch, Markli, Pfeil, Beroth, Lischer, Kalberlahn and Joseph Haberland, the last named to accompany us only to the Susquehannah. Our "Chor Jiinger" ^ Br. Gottlob, Hoffman, Eberhard, and several other Brethren went with us for a few miles, and when we had taken tender leave of each other we went our way humbly happy over the goodness that the Lamb of God had shown to us poor mortals in His congregation. The Brethren Gottlob and Nathanael followed us in a few hours, and in the evening we met at the Missellimer Mill and remained there over night, — the people were fairly civil in their entertainment of us though hitherto they have refused to let Brethren stop there. On the way we picked up several pieces of our ^ Christian Seidel was a Moravian missionary to the Indians. * Superintendent or Leader of the Choir, — i.e. the Choir of unmarried men, "Choir" being a division of the congregation, not a group of singers. A. L. Fries. 327 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES baggage which had been left by our wagon when It stuck fast and had to be unloaded before It could be pulled out. Oct. g. We arose very early to continue our journey, the Brn. Grube and Kalberlahn going a little In advance. A man came to them Inquiring whether any one In the party knew how to let blood, saying that a poor servant lay sick at Uly Hul who had heard of us and begged that we would come to him; we therefore went and Br. Kal- berlahn bled him, for which he was very thankful, and the people declared themselves as being friendly toward us. At noon we reached the house of Br. Jac. Miiller ; he was not at home but his son took us across the Tulpehokke ^ In a canoe. It almost upset but our little boatman held It steady. Soon we reached Heidelberg Schoolhouse, and found Br. and Sr. Miiller ^ well and glad to see us again and to have us to a meal. There were other Brethren there working on a new hall who rejoiced to greet us once more. Toward evening we reached the home of Br. and Sr. G. Losch, who gave us hearty welcome ; we found there Br. Christ. Ranch who had arrived shortly before us. The Brn. Merk and Zlegler, who had preceded us thus far with the wagon, related their experiences by the way, that it had taken them four days to reach Tulpehokke, and that they had been obliged to abandon part of the baggage, because It had rained a great deal and the road was very muddy. Before we retired Br. Nathanael conducted a "Singstunde," and then we laid ourselves down, as it were, In the arms of Jesus. Oct. 10. Br. Gottlob held morning prayers. Then we had a conference about our wagon, which Is several Inches too wide, and therefore does not keep In the beaten track. We finally unloaded it and took it to the blacksmith's shop. The damp articles we dried In the sun. Mother Losch pre- pared the necessary provisions for our trip. Br. Rauch ^ Tulpehocken Creek. 2 Joseph Mueller, Herman Loesch, and John Merk were mem- bers of the exploring party who accompanied Bishop Spangenberg to North Carolina in 1752. 328 DIARY OF THE MORAVIANS took leave of us and returned to his home in Quittopehill. Br. Beroth crossed the Susquehannah to see his father once more, rejoining us at the river. Br. Nathanael wrote a note to Br. Pader, who is now in York on the Catores,^ tell- ing him of our journey to Carolina. In the evening when our wagon was ready, having been made three inches nar- rower, we repacked it by moonlight so that we might make an early start nest morning. Some Brethren from Tonigal, on their way to visit in Bethlehem, arrived at the house ; there was hardly room enough for everybody, but Br. and Sr. Losch rejoiced to have so many Brethren under their roof. Br. Gottlob held a sweet "Singstunde." Oct. II. We rose early and prepared for our journey. We gave letters to the Tonigal Brn. to be taken to Bethle- hem. Father Losch lent us his wagon to be used until we were across the Susquehannah, and Mother Losch supplied us bountifully with bread and meat. Then we bade fare- well to these dear people, thanking them heartily for all their trouble and care on bur account ; they both wept like children, realizing that now for a while they could not see their two sons, Jac. and Herm. At noon we reached our school-house in Quittopehill, and stopped there for lunch. The Brn. Neuser and Engel welcomed us heartily and we were glad to see them. Br. Peter Kucher fed our horses and rejoiced to see us once more. Several Brn. called on Johann Tanneberger, who was much pleased to have a visit from Bethlehem Brethren. When we started again the Brn. Neuser and Engel accompanied us as far as Xander's, which we reached by evening. As we drove over the mill- race bridge it broke in, and it was truly a wonder that our horses and wagon were not thrown into the water; we thanked our Heavenly Father for the escape and for the help of our companions, of which we had great need. Br. Xander was not at home, but his wife and daughter gave us good care. Br. Neuser and Br. Engel went home this evening. Br. Gottlob held a sweet "Singstunde," and spoke * Codorus Creek. 329 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES on the text "Walk as the children of light," referring feel- ingly to the blessing and joy that can come into the life of a child of God ; and then we went peacefully to rest. Oct. 12. We rose at four and after morning prayers had breakfast at five and set out at six o'clock. Several young men who love the Brethren accompanied us a little way and were pleasant and cheery. We had traveled eight miles when suddenly a thick tree fell across our team, giving us a fright; however, the trunk fell just between the horses so that neither the horses nor the man who rode one of them were hurt, though a bush on the other side of the road was crushed. This was indeed a marked instance of the pro- tection of our Father, and we thanked Him earnestly and besought His continued care. To-day we shot several fawns, partridges and squirrels. In the evening we made our first camp in the forest, one mile from the Susquehannah, by a creek. All busied themselves collecting wood and building a fire. Br. Erich undertook the cooking, and after we had eaten we spread our blankets and lay down to rest. We also considered whether we should not take Father Losch's wagon with us, for it was evident that we could hardly make the trip with only our heavily loaded wagon, but as we had not discussed it with Father Losch we decided that we could not do it. We set our first night- watch, — Br. Nathanael took the first two hours, and was followed by Br. Grube, and he by Br. Losch, and in the future three or four Brethren will watch each night. At midnight a drunken Irishman came and laid himself by our fire, but did not disturb us. Br. Gottlob hung his hammock between two trees and rested well in it. Oct. I J. After eating some broth we set out on our journey. The Brn. Grube and Losch went ahead to the Susquehannah at Harrison's Ferry ^ to see about our cross- ing. Br, Grube found an opportunity to send a letter by a Trader to the Brethren in Shomoko. The Susquehannah was so low that the Ferry-boat could not run, so we decided ^ Harris' Ferry, now Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. 330 DIARY OF THE MORAVIANS to drive across. The Brn. got into the wagons and on the horses and we crossed safely. The Susquehannah is one mile wide here. Br. Beroth and his father soon joined us and brought a letter from Br. Pader, regretting that he could not come to see us and sending affectionate farewell. Two miles beyond the Susquehannah we loaded on our wagon all that had been in Br. Losch's wagon, since that must now return home. It had been the intention that our beloved Br. Gottlob should here also bid us farewell, but he decided that he and Br. Haberland would go all the way to North Carolina with us, and all hearts rejoiced that we were to have our " Jiinger" so much longer with us. Br. Gottlob and Br. Nathanael wrote letters to Bethlehem, and entrusted them to Br. Merk, and then the wagon started back, taking Br. Merk and the little Joseph Miiller and G. Losch. The latter wept sorely at parting from his two brothers, and we were all touched. Then we took up our further way. Beroth's father, who was much pleased that he had seen the first Carolina company, bade us farewell and returned to his home. It is counted 30 miles from here to Yorck on the Catores. The work became rather heavy for the horses and the Brethren had to help push, but we had a good road which was a great blessing. Some miles from the Susquehannah we stopped for the noon hour by an inn, where there is good water. The people thought Br. Gottlob was a Clergyman. We went on ; it began to rain, but the shower did not last long. Five miles from the inn we came to a creek ; and eight miles beyond to another. We put up our tent for the first time, as a heavy storm came on, and were fairly dry under it and the Brethren slept a little. The storm passing we started again at midnight, and drove several miles to the next stream. We passed a little town called Carl Isles, ^ which contains about 60 houses and is chiefly inhabited by Irishmen. Oct. 14. Sunday. About four in the morning we set up our tent, going four miles beyond Carl Isles so as not to be * Carlisle, nineteen miles W.S.W. of Harrisburg. TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES too near the Irish Presbyterians. We lay down and slept well for some hours. After breakfast the Brethren shaved, and then we rested under our tent. At noon we dined on pork and dumplings. In the afternoon we were visited by the people from Jersey who were recently in Bethlehem, and they told us about our road. They had broken their wagon crossing the Susquehannah, and were thereby de- a tained several days. They were very friendly, and wished they could stay with us. Toward evening we went three miles further to Widow Tennant's Tavern, and spent the night by the creek. People who were staying at the Tavern came to see what kind of folks we were. We asked them about our road and they were quite polite to us. One of them was born In Silesia, and as a boy lived in the Herrnhut Orphanage ; another was the son of the Commissioner of Sakana, and lives in Friedrlchstown, Va. We slept to-night without a tent and were quite comfortable. Oct. 15. We started at 2 : 30 a.m. had moonlight and a good road ; and it was 80 miles to Friedrlchstown. On the twelve miles to Shippestown,^ — a little town, — we found no water. We had a little work done on our wagon, as the pole had been injured. The smith charged a big price and his work did little good. We saw the Blue Mts. some 8 to 10 miles to our right, and had unusually fine weather. We stopped for noon eight miles further on by the Kanikatschik,^ which is no larger here than the Manakis at Bethlehem. A couple of miles beyond we stopped for the night by Corrnell Chlmpersen's mill, where we had good water. Br. Na- thanael held the evening service. Oct. 16. Br, Grube conducted moining prayers, and we set out at 4 A.M. On the way we bought 10 bushels of oats, and after driving five miles had breakfast by a creek where Irish people live. Two miles further we found good water, also three miles beyond, where a house stands back a little on the left. One mile more brought us to a Tavern. We * Shippensburg, twenty-two miles W.S.W. of Carlisle. ^ Conococheague Creek. 332 DIARY OF THE MORAVIANS could again see the Blue Mts. quite plainly. In another mile we reached a German inn, where we bought some hay and spent the noon hour. Two miles from the inn we passed the boundary between Pennsylvania and Maryland, it is said that Maryland is here only six miles wide. From the Susquehannah here the residents are chiefly Irish, and they have good lands, but one can buy little or nothing from them. Two and a half miles further we came to an old Swiss, where we bought some hay. He was very friendly and asked that we come to see him again. One mile beyond we bought some kraut from a German named Fende Kra, which tasted very good to us. We went on and camped for the night two miles from the Patomik,^ putting up our tent by a creek. The man on whose land we were came to see us, was very friendly, and took supper with us. He said that he knew the Brn. Rose and Nyberg well, and that some years earlier they had preached in his house here. He was a Swede by birth. Br. Gottlob held the evening service, then we lay down around our cheerful fire, and Br. Gottlob in his hammock, which he had swung between two stakes. Oct. 77. We started at five o'clock and had two miles to go to the Patomik which we reached at daybreak. Br. Jac. Losch rode in first to find the ford which makes a decided curve between the banks. We crossed safely but it was very difficult to drive out at the other end and we had a great deal of trouble to get up the bank. The river is here about as wide as the Lecha at Bethlehem, but in flood it runs far over the high banks, and flows swiftly, — toward the south-east. Half a mile from the river is a plantation, and four miles further a Tavern; the road was stony. Four miles further we found good water, and a Tavern ; four miles beyond the Tavern we stopped for noon by a creek near a mill which stood on the left of the road. Three miles further was a spring, and after driving four miles more we put up our tent by a creek. For supper we cooked ^ Potomac. 333 < TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES chicken, which tasted very good. Br, Nathanael conducted evening prayer. Oct. i8. We rose at three ; Br. Nathanael held morning prayer. Br. Gottlob reminded us that this was the birth- day of our beloved Johannes.^ The Brn. Gottlob, Haber- land and J. Losch went ahead to Friedrichtown to order various things. We soon followed them with the wagon, having one mile to go to Robert Kornike's mill, and eleven more to Friedrichstown, for seven of which we found no water. We breakfasted by a creek, and two miles beyond found water again. At noon we passed through Friedrichs- town,^ which consists of about sixty houses rather badly built. One mile beyond Friedrichstown we stopped for lunch near a mill, and bought some bread and corn. The Brn. Gottlob and Haberland rejoined us there. We then drove on, soon came to water again, and had four miles to Jost Raid's mill, setting up our tent just beyond. Br. Jac. Losch rejoined us there ; he had been to several plantations to buy bread and oats but had been able to get little. We turned our horses out to graze in a meadow as we had no feed for them; the Brn. Lischer and Merkli stayed with them during the night. Br. Gottlob held evening prayers, I and we spoke of our dear Johannes, sang several sweet , verses of blessing in his behalf, thanked the Lord for his \ call of grace, and prayed that we might have him among \ us for a long time yet. Then we lay peacefully down to j rest under our tent. $^j Oct. ig. We rose about six but had not slept much hav- i ing been disturbed by the smoke. One mile beyond our camping place we stopped to bake bread, and about nine o'clock started on again. Several of the Brn. went ahead two and a half miles to Neuschwanger, a German, who lives half a mile to the left of the road. There is a straight track cut from his house to the main road. The Brn. procured bread and hay and brought it to the main road, where the ^ Bishop Johannes von Watteville. ^ Now Winchester, Virginia. 334 I DIARY OF THE MORAVIANS rest waited with the wagon. On the plantation Br. Haber- land unexpectedly met a man who knew him, — a man who some years ago in London carried the love-feast bread to Bloomsbury. The man was very happy, and told the other Brn. that when he saw Br. Haberland it seemed as if he were in heaven. He told us all about himself, and that he had three years still to serve, ^ and he would be most happy to see other of the Brethren. We went five miles further and came to Baumann's mill, where we bought several bushels of oats, but we had to wait several hours while it was thrashed. Some Germans visited us and we enquired about the way, but they gave us little comfort, saying that beyond Augusti Court House ^ the road was so bad that it was doubtful whether we could travel it. It was five miles from Baumann's to Justice Funk's mill, and it was after dark and rather late when we reached there. The outlook was unpromising for a camp for it was pitch dark, and no wood near ; but we set up the tent on the mill creek in a pleasant place under a large tree, all went to work to collect wood for the fire, and in a few minutes all was ready. Some people came to see us and wondered much at us. On the way we had lost a sack of oats, so a couple of the Brn. took a lantern and went back and found it. Otherwise we had a good trip to-day ; we could plainly see the Blue Mountains on our right. Some high mountains were directly in front of us. Br. Nathanael held the evening service, and then we went to sleep. I Oct. 20. Very early the Brn. brought in our horses from pasture. Br. Grube waked the other Brn. by singing a few verses, and after eating our broth we set out about five , o'clock. There was a considerable hill just ahead and we had to push hard to help get the wagon up, and reached the j top before daybreak. We heard that from here we would ' see no house for 20 miles, but that we would find water ^ Probably three of the five years which the man was bound to I serve in return for payment of his passage from England to ^j America. 2 Now Staunton, Augusta County, Virginia. 335 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES every three or four miles. Several Brn. went hunting, but returned empty handed. Six miles to the left we saw high mountains, which ran toward the south-west. Our course, however, was mostly south by west, the land apparently barren and grown up in pine trees. We drove twelve miles this morning, and stopped for noon by a creek. In this neighborhood, one mile to the left of the road, there lives a man named Jac. Miiller where one can always buy oats. Then the road goes up-hill for a while, and when we reached the summit we crossed the "Narrow Passage," which is so narrow that two wagons cannot pass, and there are very deep valleys on each side. In the valley on the left flows Stone Creek, and another creek in that on the right. The road goes about south on the ridge. We traveled eight miles this afternoon, and put up our tent near the Shanidore ^ Creek, which is about again as wide as the Manakis, but dangerous in high water, and difficult then to cross. We had a pretty camping place to-night, and felt happy, and thankful to the Lord for bringing us safely so far. Br. Nathanael held evening prayers. Oct. 21. We drove five miles and crossed the Shanidore,^ then camped on the bank for Sunday. The Brn. Jac. Losch and Kalberlahn were bled, as they were not feeling very well. We turned our horses into the woods. In the afternoon we cooked something good and had a pleasant little tea together. An Englishman came by and drank a cup of tea with us and was very grateful for it. The Brn. Petersen and Herm. Losch went ten miles off to an English- man, to help him thrash oats tomorrow. It was very warm to-day, and we and our horses enjoyed the rest. In the evening just as we were about to retire two Germans came up, who had been into the upper part of Virginia to take up land ; they spent the night with us. They come from near Yorck on the Catores, and know Br. Philipp Meurer. Oct. 22. We set out again at five o'clock. Br. Jac. ^ The North Fork of the Shenandoah. 2 Shenandoah. 336 DIARY OF THE MORAVIANS Losch went to the plantation where the Brn. are thrashing oats. The South Alountains were about three miles to our left, and looked as high as the Blue Mountains on the road to Gnadenhiitten. There are a good many plantations in this neighborhood, but most of them hilly. We stopped for noon by a creek. The Brn. returned bringing eleven bushels of oats. It was warm and sultry weather and we found no water in the eleven miles between our last night camp, and this place. It is 200 miles from here to Williams- burg, the capital of Virginia. We went a mile and a half further to a tavern keeper named Severe and inquired about our way, but could get no definite information. Three and a half miles beyond the road forked. The Brn. Gottlob and Nathanael took the left-hand road and found a woman who told them about it; they returned and we took the right-hand road, but found no water for ten miles. It grew late, and we had to drive five miles into the night to find a stopping place. We had to climb two hills where every one had to help push or we could not have made it, for our horses were quite exhausted. Two Brn. had to keep a little ahead to seek out the road ; and so we came at last to Thom. Harris' plantation, where we bought food for our horses, and set up our tent a little way from the house. The people were friendly and assisted the travelers gladly. Oct. 2j. We started at daybreak. We bought a bottle of milk to use at our noon lunch, but the bottle broke and we lost it all. Two miles from camp we bought some meat ; had six miles to North River,^ where we stopped for noon ; this creek is half as large as the Lecha, but is impassible at high water, and there is no canoe near. Our meat and dumplings tasted good and refreshed us. This afternoon our way for a while was directly south. At three miles we came to a creek, in two more to a run, and one mile further we came to a spring, we went two miles further and camped for the night by a creek, not far from a plantation. Br, Nathanael held evening prayers, and then we slept in the care of Jesus. ^ A tributary to the South Fork of the Shenandoah. 337 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Oct. 24. At 2 : 30 A.M. our broth was ready, and at three we were on our way. One mile from camp we found good water, the same one mile further. Two more miles brought us to Middle Branch,^ a fairly large creek, with a bank difficult to climb that gave us much trouble. Most of the Brn. crossed on a fallen tree, Br. Kalberlahn fell in but did not hurt himself. It was not yet day when we crossed the creek. One mile beyond was a creek, and then one mile to Robert Bohk, who has a pretty plantation and good water. There we bought some hay and chaff and the people were very polite. Three miles further we came to Augusti Court House, a little village of twenty houses, surrounded with hills. This whole section is settled by Irish and Eng- lish. The road forks here, — that to the right goes to Carolina. Immediately beyond Augusti Court House the bad road began, it was up hill and down and we had con- stantly to push the wagon or hold it back by ropes that we fastened in the rear. There was no lack of water, which we found every couple of miles, and we put up our tent eight miles from Augusti Court House by a spring and an old tumble-down house. Br. Jac. Losch went to several plantations to buy food for our horses, but the people had none, though they were friendly and regretted that they could not help us. Br. Gottlob conducted the evening ser- vice, and as this was Br. Lunge's birthday we sang some verses for him, and enjoyed the evening with him. Then we laid ourselves down in the arms of Jesus. Oct. 25. Half a mile from camp the road forked, we took the left, but had no water for five miles. Then one mile further we took breakfast by a creek; drove six miles, and stopped for noon at a pretty spring. We met two Seventh Day Adventists, who had been to Carolina and were returning to Pennsylvania, they gave us information about our way. Br. Nathanael was somewhat ill. On the left we saw great mountains and sometimes came quite near them. Our road runs constantly south-west. In the ^ Another tributary to the South Fork of the Shenandoah. DIARY OF THE MORAVIANS evening we set up our tent on a hill, and had to carry the water some distance. Br. Gottlob went half a mile ahead to a Free Negro, who is the only smith in these parts, to have his horse shod. The negro and his wife, who was a Scotch woman, were very friendly to Br. Gottlob, and told him that they had recently come hither from Lancaster, that they had often heard Br. Nyberg ^ preach, and also the Brn. in Philadelphia, and that they were now reading the " Berliner Reden." They were very glad to see Brethren, and happy to serve us. During the night the woman baked bread for us, invited Br. Gottlob and Br. Nathanael to breakfast, and begged that as they returned they would not pass them by but stop and speak to them, for they loved people who spoke of the Saviour. The negro understood German well. The Brn. Hermanus and Lunge went to neighboring plantations to buy food for the horses. It rained almost all night, but we kept fairly dry in our tent. Oct. 26. We rose rather late on account of the rainy weather. A couple of the Brn. took breakfast with the negro, who felt very important at entertaining two ministers. We had bad hills to-day and as soon as we were at the top of one we had to hang on the break-rope, and even then it was dangerous going down. In spite of the hills this is a fertile section, with few stones and a rich black soil ; it is settled mostly by English and Irish. The Brn. Gottlob and Nathanael went ahead, and spent the night a mile and a half beyond the North Branch of James River with Mr. Brikstone, a well-to-do man who a few years ago moved here from Canistoge,^ and knows the Brethren well. The rest of the Brn. with the wagon, spent the night half a mile from the Branch, which they could not cross on account of the high water. It began to rain and continued almost all night, and as our tent was on a hill the water ran through it and we were all soaked through and through. Br. Grube held the evening service. ^ Laurentius Thorstansen Nyberg. ^ Conestoga, Pennsylvania. 339 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Oct. 27. We rose early to dry our clothes, and the sky cleared. We were very thankful to the Saviour for giving us good weather again ; it was badly needed for without it we could hardly have gone forward, for our wagon is very heavily loaded, and the ascent of the hills is almost more than we can manage. We had two miles of bad road, up hill and down. Then we reached the house where the Brn. Gottlob and Nathanael had spent the night, and were well served at a reasonable price. This is a pretty, fruitful neighborhood ; in the distance one sees the encircling high mountains. This morning for the second time we had to take off half our load, in order to climb the hill, for it was so slippery that the horses could not keep their feet in pull- ing but fell constantly to their knees. Our noon rest was at Buffler Creek,^ which is half as wide as the Lecha, but in flood runs far over the banks. Br. Losch shot the first turkey, which we ate for supper. Passing over the creek we came immediately to a long high hill, which took us an hour to climb, and we all had to push on the wagon. But we had fine pleasant weather, and from the top there was a beautiful view of the great mountains, and the valleys on either side of us. We drove some miles along the ridge. At two and a half miles we found a foot-path leading to the left, and as we had heard that there was a spring a short way down in the valley and we were very thirsty some of the Brn. went for water which greatly refreshed us. Br. Hermanus followed this path to a plantation to try to buy feed for our horses but could get none. Then he went to another man, named Illison, where he purchased several bushels of corn, and stayed over night. Our road was bad, always up and down hills. In the evening we set up our tent eight miles from Buffier Creek, by a stream, made a good fire and rested from our labors which today have been rather trying. Br. Nathanael held the evening service, and we were all so tired that we dispensed with the night-watch. Oct. 28. We rose early to continue our journey. One ^ Buifalo Creek. 340 DIARY OF THE MORAVIANS of our horses was sick. After a mile and a half we bought corn at a house. One mile further we came to a small creek, and two miles beyond approached the Blue Moun- tains. We stopped for noon by a large, beautiful spring, six miles from our night-camp. Br. Hermanns rejoined us, bringing several bushels of corn. Our afternoon road was stony and bad, and we constantly had to steady the wagon with ropes to keep it from overturning. Four times we crossed a bad, stony creek, and the banks were so high that it was difficult to pull out. The South and Blue Mountains here approach within two miles of each other; we turned to the right to the Blue Mountains. Towards evening we saw Jeams ^ River ; the road to it ran down so very steep a hill that we fastened a small tree to the back of our wagon, locked the wheels, and the brethren held back by the tree with all their might, but even then the wagon went down so fast that most of the brethren lost their footing ; no harm was done, and we thanked the Lord that He had so graciously protected us, for it looked dangerous and we thought at times that it could not possibly be done without acci- dent, but in spite of stump and stone we got down safely. We made our camp near the River, and rested well after the fatigue of the day, for the road had all been bad and yet, we had made sixteen miles. A. man visited us, and asked whether we had come down the steep hill ; he expressed surprise at our success, and said we need not have come that way, but might have turned to the right toward the Blue Mountains and have followed a good road around through a valley. Br. Gottlob held evening prayer. Oct. 2Q. We rose at five, having had a rather cold night with frost for the first time on this trip. We drove half a mile to the River, and found two roads, the one to the right going one mile further to Lunis Ferry,^ that to the left ford- ing the river. A couple of the Brethren rode through to see what kind of a crossing it was, for there were many ^ James. * Looney's Ferry, across the Fluvanna River. 341 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES rocks and stones in the stream. Fortunately for us all the rivers and creeks are low just now, otherwise we could make little progress, for even the smallest creeks rise so in rainy weather that the horses would have to swim. From the Buffler Creek here we crossed streams every two or three miles. We crossed Jeams River safely, and thanked our Father in heaven that He had helped us through so many difficulties. We then had two miles of good road, crossed a creek, and came to a house where we spent most of the day, taking time to bake bread and to kill a hog that we bought. We were visited by the Mr. Illison from whom Br. Hermanns recently bought corn, and he asked that the Brethren would shoe his horse, which was done. He said that he would soon go to Philadelphia, and offered to attend to anything we wished done there. The Brn. Gottlob and Nathanael wrote letters to our friends in Bethlehem, address- ing them to the care of Sam. Powell in Philadelphia, and we were glad of the opportunity of sending our Bethlehem friends some account of our journey. This evening we went about four miles further over a rather bad road. On the way we got some bread that we had had baked at Lunis* Mill. We crossed a large creek, and set up our tent two miles from the Mill near a stream, but immediately had to change our position because the wind blew the smoke into the tent. It also began to rain. We turned our horses loose in the woods. The Brn. Petersen and Merkli, who had remained behind to finish baking the bread, came late in the night, and had had to swim the creek at Lunis' Mill, which is quite deep. Oct. JO. The weather was bad, it rained and snowed, but we kept fairly dry under our tent. Our horses had strayed off and it took several of the Brethren nearly all day to find them, and we were glad when we had them back, for we had heard that in this neighborhood horses were often stolen, and that might have happened to ours. As the Brethren came in cold and wet through and through we had a cup of tea all round, and enjoyed it together. We changed the position of the tent on account of the smoke. 34a DIARY OF THE MORAVIANS Br. Gottlob held the evening service. We for the first time tried baking bread in the ashes. Oct. Ji. We rose very early and prepared to continue our journey. Immediately we had to climb a considerable hill, which was very hard on our horses for the ground was frozen and covered with snow. One mile brought us to a small creek, and another to a larger one, near which was a plantation. Then came more hills, and from the top a beautiful view, the Blue and South Mountains forming a pretty oval, their summits all covered with snow. The farther we went the more snow we found, and travel was difficult. Two miles to the left was a plantation and some of the Brethren went thither to drink milk. Near at hand was a small creek, then the road rose again. After a mile and a half we came to another creek not far from a planta- tion ; this would be a good place to camp as there is good water and wood. One mile further we came to a very bad piece of road, so sloping that we could hardly keep the wagon from slipping over the edge down the mountain, and had to use the tackle frequently. Then we began to descend, and in a half mile came to a small creek ; we drove a bit up its valley, and took our noon rest there. One of our horses was sick, we gave him something that helped. After going a mile and a half further we passed over some bad hills, and by a fence, and came to Joseph Macdonald's house. Two years ago he came here from Manakesie ^ in Maryland, and before that he used to attend the preaching of the Brethren ; he was friendly and told us about our best road without waiting to be asked. Half a mile from his house the road forks, the right hand going to New River. We took the left, came to another creek, and five miles further on camped for the night. Towards evening we met an old man whom Br. Nathanael engaged in conversation, and as we passed near his fence we asked him to sell us some turnips, but he was so good as to make us a present of a nice quantity, and gave an invitation that any of our ^ Monocacy. 343 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES people passing this way should visit him. He had heard perhaps a hundred lies about the Brethren, — that we were "bearded people," ^ that we enjoined celibacy,^ etc. — and now learning the truth the old man rejoiced, and took a friendly leave of us. His name is Miiller. Another of our horses was sick and we bled him. Nov. J. With earliest dawn we were again on our jour- ney, but again had to bleed a horse. The change in food is largely responsible for the illness of our horses. At one and a half miles we found water, there was a small creek half a mile beyond, and one mile further another, near which was an old plantation, and the road forked, we going to the left, A quarter of a mile more brought us to the road leading to the left up the hills to Warrik, and to a stone house of which we had heard and where we expected to buy provi- sions, but we could get little. The people count it nine miles from here to Runoke.^ The road was narrow and we often did not see how we were to get through, indeed without our axes we would have been in a bad fix. We also had to work the road itself so that we could pass. We met three men from Warrik who had been to Carolina and were returning home. They said the road was very bad, and we would probably not be able to buy any provisions on the way. Br. Nathanael wrote a note to Br. Christ. Rauch, and sent it by these men. Two miles further we came to a little creek, and in two miles more to another which was full of stones, and we had much difficulty in getting up the bank. Another mile brought us to a large Buffalo Lick, where formerly many buffalo gathered because the marsh was rich in salt. Not far from there we came to a planta- tion where there is good water. We went about half a mile further, and then our road, — a rather narrow one, — turned to the left. That to the right is much better and leads to Grain Brayer.^ We stopped for noon by a creek, and had to drive through a large marsh. Br. Losch, who had gone * Certain sects in Pennsylvania held these tenets, and the Moravians were sometimes confused with them. A. L. F. ' Roanoke. ' Greenbrier. 344 DIARY OF THE MORAVIANS ahead to see if he could buy some corn, rejoined the party. About four o'clock we reached the Runoke, and had to wait for the corn, which was not yet shelled. Several of the Brethren went to the nearest plantation to help the people shell the corn, and two of them thrashed oats. It grew so late that we had to stay here all night. Mr. Evens, a miller who lives across the river, came to us and gave advice about the care of our sick horses, we tried his plan and it helped them. We thought today much about our brethren in Heidelberg, and wished they could know that the Saviour had brought us well and content so far. We made twelve miles today. Nov. 2. We rose early, having slept little because the smoke troubled us all night. At day-break we crossed the Runoke, which was very low, and not quite so large as the Lecha, but full of slippery stones ; and in high water it runs half a mile over the banks. We had much difficulty in getting our sick horses across. A quarter of a mile be- yond we came to Evens' mill, where our road turned to the left and became very narrow. A mile further we came to a steep hill, and the road sloped badly. We soon stuck in a ditch, and were in danger of breaking our axle. In another mile a rather high hill rose before us, and we had to unload half our things and carry them up on our backs, and even then we could hardly get the wagon up. The going down was also steep, we locked two wheels, hung a tree on behind, and all the brethren held back by it; and so we crossed this hill safely. Then we had a mile and a half of good road, and stopped^for lunch by a creek. It looked much like rain and there was a large hill before us. We asked a man that we met whether we could get across the hill today and he said "Yes, some one lived on the top, and we could spend the night there." We believed him and drove to the foot of the hill, crossing a large creek. Then we tried to climb the hill but it was impossible, the hill beging too steep. So we decided to unload and carry the things up the hill. The Brn. Lischer and Pfeil stayed with the wagon, and the rest of us made the ascent. Half way up it began to rain and was hard on us and our horses, but we hoped on the top to 345 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES find the house of which the man had told us. The time seemed long to us and when we reached the summit neither house nor water was to be found. There was nothing to do but go on down the mountain in the darkness and heavy rain. At last in the valley we found a little creek, having been two and a half hours in crossing the hill. There we made camp as best we might, having much trouble to get a fire, for it was raining heavily and everything was wet. We set up the tent and lay close together on the wet bedding, and rested a little. Toward morning it cleared and was very cold. Nov. J. At dawn we went back across the hill to get the other things and the wagon. The Brn. Gottlob, Nathanael, and Kalberlahn, stayed with the tent. The Brethren who had remained in the wagon had also had a cold night, and we were glad to see each other again. We loaded our horses and took most of the things to the top of the hill, made a fire, and Br. Haberland stayed while the rest went back for the wagon. Although it was almost empty it was all we could do to push and pull it up, but in half an hour we were at the top. Loading our belongings we traveled a little way upward along the ridge ; then came the descent and we locked the wheels, hung a tree on behind, and all held back by it, and so we came safely down to our tent, and rejoiced that the Saviour had so helped us. Although there were a couple of steep, sloping hills before us, yet we crossed them before night, and set up our tent by a creek, turning our horses into the woods. We were all very tired and sleepy and let the angels be our guard during the night. Nov. 4. We had an almost untrodden road, and had to cut a number of trees out of the way. Our wagon stuck fast in a mud-hole, and it took two hours to get it out. The tackle did us good service. One mile beyond we found water, then had four miles of good road to a creek, where we stopped for noon. In the afternoon we crossed Maggedi Creek,^ near which lives Benjamin Reh, an old man of ' Maggotty Creek, a branch of Blackwater River. 346 DIARY OF THE MORAVIANS about 90 years, and his wife who is nearly a hundred. Both are quite bright and active, gave us milk to drink, and were very friendly. Near this house is a deep muddy place, then we climbed a steep hill to the Warrik Road, which leads in a western direction and is fairly good. At two miles we crossed a small creek, and three miles beyond set up our tent by a large creek. Here we had to guard our horses carefully for we had heard that there were people about who would lead them off. We cooked dumplings this evening and they tasted good, and after prayers we lay ourselves peacefully to rest. Nov. 5. We rose early and went on our way. Had several miles of good road along the ridge. When we had driven five miles we came to the home of Mr. Robert Kohl, Justice of the Peace, from whom we bought some corn. He is a pleasant man, and expressed regrets that he did not know we were coming, for he would gladly have met us and led us by a better and nearer way so that we could have escaped the hills and mountains. The road was indeed not entirely cleared, but there were so many of us that we could have gotten through with little trouble. He said he would see to it that this road was opened at once. Two Brethren stayed here to help shell some bushels of corn that we bought. We had again some bad places to drive up. At half a mile was a small creek, and another half mile brought us to Black Water,^ a large creek with very steep banks. In one mile we again came to a small creek, and in two miles more to another where we stopped for the noon rest. There were some muddy places here but we got through safely. Then the road turned to the left up the mountain but we missed it and came more to the right to an old mill-race at Ringfros Mill, kept to the left of it and turned up the mountain again and regained our proper road. At one mile we came to a small creek and marshy place ; then to three more creeks at half mile inter- vals. One mile further on the left was a new plantation, ^ Blackwater River, a fork of the Roanoke. 2 347 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES and half a mile beyond we had to drive through a bad swamp and creek. One mile further we reached the home of Robert Johnsen, and bought some hay from him. He went half a mile with us to show us the way across the creek, and a pleasant place in which to pitch our tent. Our course today was west and south-west, and we made i6 miles ; the road was fairly good apart from the marshy places and the steep banks of the streams. It is 25 miles from here to Smith's River. Nov. 6. We took up our journey; Br. Hermanns re- mained behind to thrash oats for Mr. Johnsen. We had to drive through many muddy places and the wagon was often in danger of sticking fast. We had much work cutting out the road, which was so narrow that we could hardly get through, our long wagon could scarcely turn and twist along it, and we often had to use the tackle to get the wheels out of the holes. Two miles from camp we passed through a fence, had a great deal of marshy land, and drove perhaps thirty times across a creek that wound through the swamp. Br. Hermanns rejoined us bringing several bushels of oats which he had thrashed. Mr. Johnsen, a Welshman, had spoken freely with Br. Hermanns, had first asked him how he had come to join the Moravians, and when Br. Hermanns had told him he began to relate his own story for the last few years. At one time he had become very uneasy and could hardly bear the distress of his heart; then he had turned with all his misery to the Saviour, and He had let him feel the power of His blood and that had given him peace, and so it was with him to this day. And if at any time his heart was not quite right with God he turned again to the Saviour, and all was well. It was the same with his wife and eldest son. He had spoken of this only to those in whom he felt and saw the same spirit, for the World understands as little of such things as a horse, and therefore he kept silence. For nine years he had not heard a sermon; and he begged that when one of us should pass this way again he would stop with him. We all rejoiced when Br. Hermanns told us this, and were glad that also in this dark 348 I t \ DIARY OF THE MORAVIANS wilderness the Saviour had His people, who loved Him. At night we set up our tent in the swamp ; in spite of all our labor and toil today we made only ten miles. Br. Gottlob held evening prayers, and then we lay down to rest. Nov. 7. At daybreak we started again and soon were out of the swamp, then immediately had a hill to climb that went down very steeply on the farther side. At the foot we crossed a medium-sized creek, then came another hill, and we had a hard time getting up for the ground was so slippery that the horses could not keep their feet. The road was good for one mile, then it led again into a swamp, several times crossing a creek. Our wagon was somewhat injured, for the banks of one creek were so steep and high that in going down the back of the wagon was strained and a board in the body broke. We soon mended it, and spent the noon rest by this creek. Br. Losch went ahead to look over the road. We came at once to a very steep little hill, and then there was a long ascent. From the top we saw the Pilot Mountain in North Carolina, and rejoiced to think that we would soon see the boundary of Carolina and set foot in our own dear land. We drove one mile along the ridge, then there was a very steep descent. At the foot we i crossed a large creek with very steep banks, and finally came to Smith's River, driving a mile through beautiful lowlands where there were many grapes, which tasted very good to us. Br. Gottlob rode ahead to spy out the road. We came to a hill, thought we could cross it yet this even- iing, but on trying found it impossible for the ascent was too steep. Br. Gottlob came back and said it would not be possible to pull the wagon up fully loaded ; so we set up our tent at the foot of the hill near the river. Several of the Brethren took the horses half a mile away to a meadowy and spent the night there. We had a comfortable, peaceful night. It Nov. 8. At daybreak we prepared again for our journey, and carried half our goods to the top of the hill, and even then had much toil and trouble before we got the wagon up, for it was very steep. On the summit we reloaded our 349 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES goods for the descent. In the valley we crossed a small creek and were scarcely over that when we came to a second hill and had to unload again and carry almost everything to the top, for this was the steepest hill we had yet crossed. We were all glad when we were over it. Going down we locked two wheels, hung a tree on behind, and made the descent safely. People had told us that this hill was most dangerous, and that we would scarcely be able to cross it, for Margan Bryand, the first to travel this way, had to take the wheels off his wagon and carry it piecemeal to the top, and had been three months on the journey from the Shanidore to the Etkin.^ At the foot of the hill we crossed a large creek with high banks ; it runs into Smith's River close by. We came to a plantation, and the people were kind, and without question showed us the right road, which one mile from here turns to the left, and is less traveled than the one going straight ahead. One mile beyond we came to a rather large creek with such high banks that we hardly knew how to get over it, but with labor and toil we accom- plished it safely. We drove two miles further before camp- ing, but the road was very bad, and we stuck fast several times. We set up our tent by a plantation ; and today in spite of all our efforts we have advanced only seven miles. I It began to rain, and we were all rather damp when we lay ! down. I Nov. p. Most of the Brethren rose very early ; they could | not sleep on account of the heavy rain, the water running j under us so that we lay in it and could not escape it. The i river had risen two feet during the night, and we saw that it was impossible to cross. We had numerous visits from ; the people living near, who were greatly surprised at our ! long wagon, and that so many unmarried men were travel- ( ing together. They asked about our Minister; and on | this whole journey Br. Gottlob has won the affection of the ! people, who would gladly have had him baptise their chil- ■ dren. Toward noon the rain stopped and we hoped for ^ Yadkin River. ^^, 350 & DIARY OF THE MORAVIANS better weather, but it began again harder than ever, and we could hardly keep a little fire burning. We changed the position of our tent and dug a ditch around it to lead off the water, but the rain beat through the tent so that in a short time everything was most unpleasantly wet, and we were up most of the night. Nov. 10. It began to clear a little. The river, however, was still higher, and we spent most of the day drying our blankets, mending, and darning our stockings. We also bought some bushels of corn and some meat from our neigh- bors, who were glad that we had to stay here so long, and that it meant money for them. In the afternoon we held a little Lovefeast, and rested our souls in the loving sacrifice of Jesus, wishing for our beloved Brethren in Bethlehem that they and we might live ever close to Him. Br. Na- thanael conducted evening prayers, and then we lay our- selves down to rest. Nov. II. Several Brethren went early to the river to see whether we could cross and found it had fallen two feet. We had a man show us the ford, and one of us rode through on our gray horse, then we ventured it, and crossed safely. The banks were fairly easy to climb. We drove through a swamp, stuck quite a while in a hole, and had much diffi- culty in getting out. Mr. Hikki, who lives half a mile from here and who has a store, came to meet us and was very friendly. It was a bad bit of road to his house where we bought some provisions. (This will be the nearest place where we can buy salt.) A couple of miles from there we met a man from North Carolina, who lives near our land. He told us that it is generally known that we will soon arrive, that he had heard that we had two Ministers with us, which was a good thing, for the people lived like wild men, never hearing of God or His Word. He was also glad that we had a Doctor in the company. Two and a half miles beyond Hikki's we stopped for noon at a creek, where there is good pasturage, the road thither being fairly good. Then again it led through marshy places and over steep hills, with water every half or quarter mile, often accom- 3SI TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES panied by deep mudi We set up our tent by a creek, and made only eight miles today, although we hurried all we could. We were glad for the pleasantly warm weather. For supper we cooked Virginia potatoes,^ which tasted good. Br. Nathanael held evening prayers, and then we went peacefully to rest. Nov. 12. We rose very early, and about 3 a.m. ate our pumpkin broth. Then the road led on through thick and thin, and often up steep hills where we had to push with all our strength. A boggy place, fully 100 paces long, we avoided by cutting a new road on the left across the hill, which was a great help. We came to a creek called Horse Pasture which is about as large as the Manakis ; it had been very high within the last few days, but had fallen again. Here we had one of the worst banks we had seen, and people had told us some way back that we would hardly be able to cross ; but our grubbing hoes and shovels did us good service and we made it safely. Near this creek is a new plantation, and they call it fully twelve miles from here to Smith's River. We went on four miles, and stopped for noon at Adam Loving's plantation, where we bought ten bushels of corn, and the people were very friendly. The men showed us the ford through the first branch of the Meho 2 River, which is not much wider than the Manakis at Bethlehem, but has such steep banks that it took us two hours to cross. It is a great blessing that the water has fallen since the last rain, for otherwise we might have been detained a long time. Three miles beyond we reached the main branch of the Meho, which is about as large as the Lecha at Gnadenhiitten. The approach was fairly easy but the other side much worse, and we worked into the night before we could make the bank passable, and even then we had trouble enough to get out. We spent the night there, and as we had little wood we all gathered around one fire, sleeping for the last time on Virginian soil. We made 13 miles today. A man who lives not far from here 1 Sweet potatoes. ' ^ Mayo. 352 DIARY OF THE MORAVIANS came to us, asking about Valentin Fuhrer, and whether he still lives in Bethlehem; he knew him well, for 15 years ago he lived near Fuhrer's father on North River. Nov. I J. We rose at three o'clock, for it began to rain, and we hastened on our journey, but lost our way, going too far to the right. At dawn we crossed the boundary of North Carolina, where the road crosses a creek two miles from our last camp. Br. Haberland lost his hat trying to cross on a tree that lay across the stream, but he found it again when it grew lighter. The road was fair, apart from some steep hills, and we had water every mile or two. We stopped for noon on a little mountain seven miles from the Meho; near by runs a creek with a high fall. In the afternoon we had some hills so steep that we could hardly climb them; also bad banks to some of the creeks. Toward evening it began to rain and we hurried as fast as we could to reach Ten River ^ ; but it grew so dark that we had to stop three miles from it at a creek. We made a fire and cooked a little food ; then it began to clear with the north-west wind. At midnight we started again, in order to cross Ten River. One Brother went ahead of the wagon with a torch of pine- wood to light the way, and at 2 a.m. we reached Ten River, and as it had not rained any more we thought it would not rise and we might spend the rest of the night on its bank before crossing. It was cold and we had little wood to burn. We were all very tired, having come 25 miles today from the Meho River. Our hearts today have been with our Brethren, and each of us in spirit has drawn near the nail-torn hands and pierced heart of our "Chief Elder." ^ Nov. 14. We went very early to see whether we could cross the river, but it had risen two feet, and was running rapidly. So we had to wait, and meanwhile worked on the approach which was very steep. Some Brethren went hunt- ing, but came back empty-handed. The man who lives near the river came and invited the Brn. Gottlob and ^ Dan River. ^ On Nov. 13 the Moravian Church makes special acknowl- edgment of Jesus Christ as its "Chief Elder." A. L. F. 353 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Nathanael to his house and they accepted. He insisted that Br. Gottlob should baptise his child, but Br. Nathanael asked that he be excused, as he spoke little English, and could not do it at any rate. The man was not satisfied, and said he did not care how it was baptised, just so it was done now. Br. Jacob Losch crossed the river in the canoe, and went on eleven miles to Mr. Altem to order provi- sions. Nov. 15. Several Brethren went hunting, but secured nothing. The Brn. Gottlob and Nathanael crossed the river in the canoe with the Brn. Haberland and Hermanns Losch, swimming their horses across with them. They plan to go today to Mr. Altem, who is well acquainted with our land, and have him go with them tomorrow to look over the property, and find a place where we can stay until we select the best place for our settlement. Br. Grube stayed with the other brethren by the river which was still too high. In the evening we were visited by a German lad, who lived on the Etkin, and had been to Smith's River for II quarts of salt, for which he had paid 50 cents. Br. Grube held evening prayers. Nov. 16. We rose early to ford the river. The bank was so steep that we hung a tree behind the wagon, fasten- ing it in such a way that we could quickly release it when the wagon reached the water. The current was very swift, and the lead horses were carried down a bit with it. The water just missed running into the wagon, but we came safely to the other bank, which however we could not climb, but had to take half the things out of the wagon, and tie ropes to the axle on which we could pull, helping our horses, which were quite stifi", and so we brought our ark again to dry land. Half a mile beyond we drove through a wide swamp, then up a long hill. We stopped at noon by a creek near a plantation. At four o'clock we reached Mr. Altem's, ten miles from our last night's camp, having had just about the worst road of our whole journey. We rejoiced that the Lord had helped us so far. Toward evening the Brethren Gottlob, Nathanael, Losch, etc. rejoined us, having looked 354 DIARY OF THE MORAVIANS about a little; six miles from the edge of our land they found a little house, which a German ^ built last year and then abandoned. We set up our tent by Mr, Altem's house. Br. Gottlob, Br. Nathanael, and the others who were on the trip through our land today took supper with Mr. Altem. We retired early, being quite worn out. Nov. 77. We rose early having had a cold night ; it looked much like snow. Some of the Brethren went ahead with axes and grubbing hoes to clear the road and cut down the steep banks of the creeks. One mile from Altem's we crossed Down Forck ^ Creek, and came to the new road leading across our land to the Etkin. On the right hand side of the creek is a plantation, and the people gave us two sacks of pumpkins and offered us a wagon-full more free of charge. Two miles from our land we crossed Buffler Creek. One mile from our land we stopped for the noon rest. The Brn, Gottlob and Nathanael had gone ahead to the next plantation, which adjoins our land, and the people pre- sented them with a couple of bushels of turnips. At last, at half past twelve, we reached the boundary of our land, whereat we all rejoiced ; and there we were met and tenderly welcomed by Br. Gottlob and Br. Nathanael. It touched us, and we thanked our Saviour that He had so graciously led us hither, and had helped us through all the hard places, for no matter how dangerous it looked, nor how little we saw how we could win through, everything always went better than seemed possible. We wished that the dear ones in Bethlehem, now gathered in the Sabbath Lovefeast,^ could know that we, in less than six weeks, had safely reached our land. We drove three miles further on the new road, then turned to the left and cut a way for two and a half miles to the little house that the Brethren found yesterday. We reached it in the evening and at once took possession of it, finding it large enough that we could all lie ^ Hans Wagner. 2 Town Fork. ^ The Moravians of that day often set apart Saturday afternoon as a preparation for Sunday, — hence "Sabbath" and the Love- feast. A. L. F. 355 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES down around the walls. ^ We at once made preparation for a little Lovefeast, and rejoiced heartily with one another. Br. Gottlob began the singing with the little verse; — We hold arrival Lovefeast here, In Carolina land, A company of Brethren true, A little Pilgrim-Band, Called by the Lord to be of those Who through the whole world go, To bear Him witness everywhere. And nought but Jesus know. The texts for the day were strikingly appropriate; — "I know where thou dwellest," — even in a desert place. "Be ye of the same mind one with another." While we held our Lovefeast the wolves howled loudly, but all was well with us, and our hearts were full of thanksgiving to the Saviour Who had so graciously guided and led us. Then we laid ourselves down to rest, and Br. Gottlob hung his hammock above our heads. ^ On the site of this house, in Bethabara, or Old Town, a monu- ment was erected in 1806 bearing the inscription: Wachovia settlement, begun the 17th November, 1753. 356 » MINUTES OF MR. HAMBURGH'S JOURNAL, 1763 INTRODUCTION To attempt to introduce the Minutes of Mr. Hamburgh's Journal is like attempting to introduce a stranger, for the Minutes are shrouded in obscurity. Who was Mr. Ham- burgh .'' Where is the journal of his travels from Detroit to Chicago and the Mississippi River by way of Lakes Huron and Michigan and the Illinois River, in the year in which Pontjac directed the Indian uprising against the English .'' Who wrote these Minutes from his journal ? These are questions to which neither contemporary nor later records seem to have an answer. A copy of the Minutes has been preserved for years in the Library of Congress, but there is no record of its acquisition. Was the man in question a trader .? and was his name Hambough instead of Hamburgh ^ Parkman, in his Con- I spiracy of Pontiac, quotes from a letter of June 19, 1763, by Richard Winston, a trader at Saint Joseph's, to his fellow- traders at Detroit, which reads in part as follows : "I have only to inform you that by the blessings of God and the help of M. Louison Chevalie, I escaped being killed when the unfortunate garrison was massacred, Mr. Hambough and me being hid in the house of the said Chevalie for 4 days II and nights. Mr. Hambough is brought by the Savages to the Illinois, likewise Mr. Chim. -Unfortunate me remains here Captive with the Savages." 359 MINUTES OF MR. HAMBURGH'S JOURNAL, 1763 Minutes of Mr. Hamburgh's Journal who travilled this Contry in the year 1763 Detroit so called by the French Signifying a Strait [is] Situated on the River whereby Lake Huron Emptieth it Self into Lake Erie. From Detroit up the River to Lake St. Clair is nine miles, a Small Lake not above 15 Leagues in Circumference. From this Lake it is 60 miles up the River Huron ^ to Lake Huron. Several of Chiproy ^ Nations Are Settled on this River. The Country is Low and Rich Soil there. Hunting Ground is none of the best. From the Entrance of Lake Huron the french call it 300 miles to Mishlymackena ^ and it is Recorded a Good Passage to goe it with Battoes in 10 or 12 days. About half way is an Indian Town they Call them the Sequena ^ Indians — on Account of the bay of that name on which their town is Situated. They are chiefly of the Ottowa Tribe. The Bay of Saquena Is about 24 or thirty miles in Length and they generally Cross it in Canooes or Battoes from point to point about 12 Miles without Seeing the Indian Town. You have good landing place[s] for Battoes all a Long the South side of this Lake.^ Mishlymackana So Called By the Indians from Lake Mishymack Or Great Lake, Lies on the Entrance of this Lake. . . . Seperated from Lake Huron no Otherwise but by some Islands And the Oposite Point which forms [a] Strait about 9 miles across. The Country about Mishyly- mackana is Sandy Pine Wood, and Hunting [is] Very Scarce. The Indians who Live here are of the Ottowa Tribe. The'f 1 Saint Clair River. ^ Chippewa. ^ Michilimackinac. ^ Saginaw. ^ Lake Huron. 360 MINUTES OF HAMBURGH'S JOURNAL Town is about 30 miles from the fort and is Called By the french Arbre-dc-Chroche.* In Summer Time they Live Partly upon fish which are very Good and Plenty at this Place and in the Winter their chief Hunting Place is about the great River and Tiakanamasso, Large River, which falls in the south side of Lake Mishlymacana about 50 or 60 Leagues from their town. This place is Likewise Remarc- ablc for making the best and Largest Birch Canooes, one of which Will Carry about 6000 Weight. From this place the french Call it 300 miles To the River St. Joseph. You have good Landing Places and Rivers for Battoes to goe in from 13 to 15 Leagues Distance, Hunting is Scarce all along here About. . . To goe from Misshlymackana to the Green bay you cross from the fort ^ to the Opposite Point As mentioned Before. You Proceed on the north side Mishly makana, a very Dangerous Shore Being full of Banks which Extend them- selves at Some Places for 2 or 3 miles into the Lake. There is scarcely any Rivers to goe in with Battoes and the shore [is] very straight, you Pass numbers of Islands on one of which are some Indian Cabbins of the Oottnottmy ^ Tribe. The bay is 30 miles in length And the fort Lies on the further End of the Lake. They have Great Plenty of all kinds of wild foul here. The distance is 60 Leagues from Mishlymackana — from the green bay the french Call it 300 miles to St. Joseph River, the shore is Very dangerous all along this side the Lake, few rivers that will aford you a Harbour in Bad Weather so that you are oblige[d] to Hall up your Boat upon the Beach — About halfe way is Mishlymackana ^ River, [there] is a sand Running along the Entrance of it which makes it difficult To Enter In Bad Weather — The Breakers Being very high. There is an Indian town at about one mile from the Entrance. On it is inhabited By Part of the ^ Arbre Croche, on Little Traverse Bay, at the site of the pres- ent Harbor Springs. The Jesuits established a mission here in ' Fort Michilimackinac or Mackinac. ^ Pottawatomie. ■* Milwaukee. 361 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Sackys ^ And some mixture Of Battowamys,^ and Ottowas. The next remarkable River is Chycacoo,' here is an Indian town Called by the name of the River Chose. At the En- trance of it [it is] inhabited By the same nations as Milly- maky."* Here the Country Begins Again to Be very Pleasant, good soil, and Hunting very Plenty : Such as Bufhloes, Deer, Bears, and it is 30 Leagues to the River St. Joseph, Good Shore all along and rivers for shelters from storms. 9 miles up this River, the Chykocoo, the french used to make a Carrying Place into an other River for about 3 miles which falls into the river Illinois and is deep Enough for Large Battoes to goe or up or down. From the Entrance of St. Josephs River it is 20 Leagues up to the fort, the River is Crooked And in summer time it is shallow in some places. Fort St. Joseph Lies on the East Side of the river and On Indian on the oposite Side shore the Chief of the Pottowany tribe Resides. The Country in Levil, good Soil, And Hunting Exceeding Plenty: Such as Elks, Deer, Bears, Raccoons, Bevers, Otters, Turkeys, and other kind of wild fouls in great Plenty. . . . from Detroit the french cal'd 300 miles to St. Joseph by Land, the first 30 Miles are very swampy and Exceeding bad Traveling, But the Rest of the Road is Very Pleasant, the Country is Quite Levil, Inter- mixed with several Rivers and Creeks which in Summer time You may all Pass on horse Back, in Freshets you must make Rafts ; You Pass three Small Indian Towns all of the Potto- wamy tribe — Severall small Lakes and Pleasant Hunting all the Way — Fort St. Joseph Lies on the River of the same name at 20 Leagues Distant from where it Enters into Lake Mishacony. 6 miles above the fort is a carrying Place aBout four Miles long into the Kykaggy River Which is But Very small in its Beginning Like Wood Creek ; Running Exceeding Crooked for a Bout 30 Miles When it inlarges and Deepens. About 120 Miles Down this River Lies an Indian town Consisting of about 20 Families of the Masco- ^ Sac Indians. ' Pottawatomie Indians. ' Chicago River. * Milwaukee. 362 MINUTES OF HAMBURGH'S JOURNAL tain ^ Tribe and about 60 Miles further falls In the Chykacoo River and is Called afterwards Ilinois River. The Chief Hunting ground of the Battowaymes is along this River for about 200 Miles Down to a Place Called Le Rocher — ■ The greatest Plenty they have here is Racoons, Otters, Some Bever, Elks and Dear, and Buffilows in ABundance ; about 300 Miles from St. Joseph is a french fort of Very Little Importance. There was an Officer And 5 men Sta- tioned there when i Past it In the year 1763 — from this fort or Port Called Epec ; it is 300 tmilesl down the River Where it falls Into the Missisippi And would be Navagable for Large Sloops to Come up this far. All a Long Down this River the Country is Exceeding Pleasant And Levil and for the most Part Consisting of Large Plains Which Extend themselves as the french Informed me for several Hundreds of Miles, the Plains are Well stocked With Buffelows And Deer Especially Along the River as they Run through it. The Country all Along Down Produces Plenty of mulberry Trees and the Nut Called Bacane ^ — There is Several Rivers falls into it where off I know no name. One of them Runs Through the Saacks Country towards the Green Bay. This River Ilinois Enlarges Greatly Below this fort, And is nigh as Large at the Mouth as the Missippi — Receive it at 60 Miles above the First french settlement Called the Canos there is A small fort and about 70 or 80 Families ; it Lies upon a small River at about One mile Distant from the Missippi. From here it is 45 miles To Fort Chartre,^ A stone fort Neatly Built And fortified for small Arms With good Barracks for Officers and Soldiers, Sufficient for 500 Imen]. It is Situated not 400 Yards from the Missippi with a Dry Ditch About; there is about 100 french families Living near it. Here Resideth the Commandeth Of all the Ilenois Settlement, Who Receives His orders from the Governor Of New Orleans. There is Two Indian [villages] Not Haifa A mile from it Close upon the Missippi, Called Beory ^ and ^ Mascouten. ^ Pecan. ^ Fort Chartres, on the east bank of the Mississippi, about twenty railes above the mouth of the Kaskaskia. * Peoria. 2 A 363 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES The other Metschy ^ Containing Both of them ABout 300 Warriors. From this Place to the next Settlement is ABout 18 Miles — There is a small fort and about 150 families Liveing By it. The Town is called Aveas. The Indians who Live Heare Calls themselves Cascaskys.^ It is situated Upon a Small river. At 9 miles Distant from the Missippi there is two small french towns, Besides those Mentioned Above, Of about 20 families Each, this is all the french have on the East Side the Missippi. They have an- other Village on the other side opposite Aveas Called Misere, Consisting of about 50 families which is all which Remaineth to the french after the Last treaty of Peace. The Hole Settlement is Called the Ilenois On Account of the Indians who Have Settled themselves Heare after they Had Been Driven away from the River Illenois By other nations, so you must not confound this Settlement which Lies on the East side of Missippi with the River Illenois. This settle- ment produces Plenty of Wheat Barley, Tobacco and some Cotton, and it Has Extensive Indian trade ; it Produces Some fruit : Applies, Pears, Quinses, and Peaches. The land is low And the Missippi Gennerally over flows in June; the Excessive Heat that followeth afterwards occasioneth the fevers to Be Very frequent. In August and September they Have great Plenty of Wild fowl in the Swamps. ^ Matchinkoa. ' Kaskaskias. 364 JOURNAL OF AN OFFICER WHO TRAVELLED IN AMERICA AND THE WEST INDIES IN 1764 AND 1765 INTRODUCTION The author of this journal was an officer of the Sixty- sixth Regiment of Foot which was stationed in the West Indies. Lord Adam Gordon, son of Alexander, second Duke of Gordon, was Colonel of that regiment in 1763- 1775. The Officer left Charleston the middle of March and proceeded northward through North Carolina. He says : "Mr. Dobbs, the Governor of North Carolina, died whilst I was there, and is succeeded by Colonel Wm. Tryon." On April I, 1765, Tryon wrote the Board of Trade: "I seize this opportunity ... to acquaint your Lordships, Governor Dobbs died at Brunswick the 28th of last month. I was escorting Lord Adam Gordon thro' part of this Prov- ince, when the news of this event reached me." ^ Again, on the 26th of May, 1765, Tryon wrote the Secretary at War recommending the appointment of one Robert Howe as commander of Fort Johnston and added: "Lord Adam Gordon, who did me the honour of passing a few days with me in his tour thro' America, will speak to the character of this gentleman." ^ The Officer left Montreal for Quebec "about the end of July 1765." The Newport Mercury of September 2, 1765, printed a news item from Quebec (July 25, 1765), announcing the arrival there of " the right hon. Lord Adam Gordon, Col. of the 66th regiment of foot, and member of parliament for Aberdeen, accompanied by Commodore Loring;" and the Massachusetts Gazette of September 19, 1765, printed a news item from Quebec telling of Lord Adam Gordon's departure the 2d of August. Sir William Johnson, to whom the Officer paid a visit on his way from Albany to Niagara Falls and another on his return from Canada, wrote the Board of Trade the 28th of September, 1765 : "My son now accompanys Lord Adam Gordon to see England. . . . Lord Adam has made an extensive Tour thro' this Country, * Colonial Records of North Carolina, Vol. VI, p. 1320. 2 Ibid. Vol. VII, p. 40. 367 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES and has made many remarks and observations worthy attention."^ From his second visit to Sir William the Officer proceeded to Boston, and the Massachusetts Gazette of September 19, 1765, contains an account of the reception of Lord Adam Gordon, "a Member of the British Parlia- ment, now making the Tour of America " by the Selectmen of Boston during which they requested him to use his influence in favor of Massachusetts in the Stamp Act controversy. The Offcer embarked at New York for England the 14th of October, while the Stamp Act Congress was in session. The New York Mercury of October 7, 1765, contains this announce- ment : "On Monday last came to Town, the Hon. Lord Adam Gordon, after a Tour thro' his Majesty's American Islands, and Colonies on the Continent; and we hear intends to go for England by the next Packet. Anderson, in his Scottish Nation, states that Colonel Adam Gordon re- turned to England in 1765 "and having been intrusted by the heads of the colonies with a statement of their grievances, on the 20th of November of that year he had a long confer- ence with the secretaries of state on the subject." The Pennsylvania Gazette oi February 13, 1766, contains a Lon- don news item announcing the arrival of Lord Adam Gordon and stating that on the 20th of November, 1765 he had "a conference with His Majesty's Secretaries of state, when it is said his Lordship informed them of the present state of North America, and of the uneasiness of the people on ac- count of the new stamp act." The identification with our anonymous journalist seems fairly complete. Lord Adam Gordon was the fourth son of the second Duke of Gordon, and was born about 1726. He was M.P. for Aberdeenshire from 1754 to 1768, and for Kincardineshire from 1774 to 1788, was commander of the forces in Scotland from 1782 to 1798, and died in 1801. A copy of the Journal — in other than the author's hand — has been preserved among the King's Manuscripts in the British Museum 213, ff. 1-69. The Library of Congress has a transcript of this copy. ^ Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, edited by E. B. O'Callaghan, Vol. VII, p. 766. 368 JOURNAL OF AN OFFICER WHO TRAVELLED IN AMERICA AND THE WEST INDIES IN 1764 AND 1765 Journal of an Officer in the West Indies who travelled over a ■part of the West Indies, and of North America, in the Course of 1764 and 176^ We left London on Tuesday the loth of April 1764, and arrived the same night at Portsmouth, without meeting with any thing extraordinary, unless it was, that we remarked that neither the Attendance or accommodation was near so good as it is either on the great North Road or on the Road to Bath, or many other Roads in England. The Fountain Inn, the best at Portsmouth, is both extravagant and dirty — and if you except the Publick Docks, Stores etca., etca. which belong to the Naval Department there, and the Fortifications which are accounted the best in England, there is nothing else worth a Travellers notice. The Country for some Miles round the Town, is flat and Morassy, and not at all pleasant — nor is it reckoned a healthy Situation. Near it, at Gosport, is a new Hospital for Sailors, worth visiting. — On Thursday the 12th of April we Embarked in a small Boat for Cowes, in the Isle of Wight, but it falling little Wind, we put in at Ryde, a very pretty little Village on the opposite Shore, and proceeded to Newport, the principal Town of the Island, where we found ourselves much better than at Portsmouth. It is a very agreeable little Town, almost in the Center of one of the best peopled, and best wooded Countries you could wish to see. The ancient Castle of Carrisbrook, stands within a Mile of Newport : there is in it a very remarkable deep Well, and in Carrisbrook street, a small Spring, from whence you may have Water, as good 369 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES as at Bristol, to Carry to Sea. I have now some of it in my possession since 1758, which was thrice on the Coast of France that Summer, and is at this hour as good, and as Sweet as at first, owing to its being put into New Bottles. On Sunday the 15th the Weather came moderate, and the Wind fair to carry us out. About Noon we went on Horse- back to Cowes, embark'd, passed the Needles, and came to an Anchor off Yarmouth, and next day, about Noon, took our leave of the Needles. In the Channel we found it very Squally, and the wind variable 'till the joth, when it came fair, we then took our Departure from the Lizard. The Weather proving much milder we left off Fires in the Cabbin, and proceeded very agreeably along the Coasts of Spain, Portugal and Africa, 'till the 2gth at noon when we made Porto Santo, an Island twelve Leagues short of Madeira; the 30th at night, we anchored in the Road of Funchal, at about half a Miles distance, and landed there next morning early, the Weather continuing to grow warmer, and the Air more serene. Whether it proceeded from the Squalls we had met in the Channel, or that things appear worse at a distance than when present, I could not perceive any mate- rial disagreeable difference in crossing the Bay of Biscay, from what I had felt at Sea in other places — but had it been other- ways, the pleasure we felt in our approach to the Island of Madeira (which increased beyond description as we ad- vanced and could distinguish the uncommonly beautiful! Landscapes with accuracy) would have more than com- pensated for the fatigues of our Voyage. Perhaps some short account of an Island, so happily situated, may not be altogether disagreeable. — It is sup- posed to be in circumference Miles, ^ and to contain from one hundred to one Hundred and twenty Thousand Souls, of which they reckon upwards of Thirty Thousand Men fit to bear Arms. The Port and Town of Funchal is the best, and Capital Town of the Island. — here is fixed the Seat of Government, Civil, Military, and Ecclesiastical, and * Madeira has a coast line of about eighty-five miles. 370 JOURNAL OF LORD ADAM GORDON from this Port alone 20,000 pipes of Madeira Wine are exported at an average annually, and as the demand in- creases, so does the Cultivation of the Grape, which in some extraordinary years amounts to 30,000 pipes. The Island lies in the Latitude 32 deg. 31 Min., Longitude [west from] Greenwich nearly i hour and 6 Min : variation Com[p]ass and is commonly computed to be in length about 18 Leagues, and in breadth about 8 Leagues.^ — The whole is one Immense Mountain, the Sides and hollow places of which are cultivated in Vineyards, as is the Coast in most parts round the Island for a League up from High Water mark. With regard to the merit of this Climate, by observations from Farenheits' Barometer, the Mercury has not, for many years been lower than Fifty six, nor higher than Seventy eight, except with a Levant wind, and from what I saw and could hear, it would appear that there is no Tree, Shrub, or Plant, that is yet discovered in the habitable Globe, but would be easily propagated there. The fertility and goodness of the Soil is very uncommon ; It produces everything almost Spontaneously, for the Inhabitants there can scarce be said to use art. — Grapes are the only Staple and it is supposed at this day in 1764, there is not above one tenth part of the whole Island Cultivated. The Situation of Funchal is extremely agreeable and Romantick, — it is built along a curv'd Beech, at the ex- tremity of which are two indifferent Forts, two advanced Bastions in the length, and a bad Wall connecting the whole. It is singular that so high a Surf runs there that no Quay or landing place has ever been attempted, and it is very doubtful if any such could be made effectual, altho there is reason to believe that for about the Sum of one hundred thousand pounds Sterling well managed, a Work might be made to join the Loo Rock at the Westernmost end of the Beech to another Rock on Shore, which would constitute a Safe Port and Retreat for Shiping in most Winds. ^ Madeira is only thirty-two miles long and twelve miles broad. 371 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Something of this Sort is extremely wanted, because when i the Wind is high, either from the No[rth] or So[uth] it is ; not possible for Ships to ride it out. The Water is deep close : in Shore, and a very large Vessel may come too within fifty yards of high Water mark, which seldom rises above seven ; feet. — The Town itself is ill laid out, and not well built, j neither is it so well kept as it might be, when one considers i that from the rising grounds which surround it, they might ■ have every Street overflow'd once or twice a Day. \ The principal Buildings are the great Church, the Castle i where the Governour resides, which (besides a Strong Wall ! towards the Land side, has a tolerable platform and Battery i to the Sea) the Bishops house, and the Custom house, ad- ; joining to which is the Exchange. Some of the Natives ' and some of the British Merchants residing here, have very | convenient houses which are roomy and cool, but it appears j uncommon to us that they have few sash Windows, and never { live in the lower Story, which is generally made use of as ji Storehouses. Their best appartments are up one pair of j Stairs, and over those, in many of their houses, is their ; dinning Parlour and Kitchen, which is in general the only j Fireplace. Each house however has a kind of Balcony, ' open on one or more Sides, to which in warm weather The[y] | retire, — some of them are very high, and thej^ give them j the name of Mirandas. The very Gardens in Town are i full of Grapes, and the best of them have Walks covered with | Vines, and some of them with the Alexandrian laurel, and j other Shrubs, which shade you, and render the air cool and pleasant, to those who either walk, or Sit under them. Almost every Man of any fortune, has a Villa at some little distance, and many of them in sight, these they call Quintas and the appearance they make, being all Whitened and interspersed with Vineyards, Figtrees, and Groves of sweet Chesnuts, much used by the Peasants, is perfectly Romantick and Chinese. The ground on which the Town Stands, rises to the land side all round, so that the Streets and Lanes, which are ill pav'd, and Steep, render walking disagreeable to Strangers, 372 JOURNAL OF LORD ADAM GORDON the Roads are everywhere bad and rocky, and on every hand impassable almost for any thing but a Horse or Mule, which they use to bring in their Wine, each carrying two little Barrels slung across, eight of which go to a Hogshead and Sixteen to a Ton. The people in general are middlesized. Strong, and well made, mostly black hair, black eyes, and fine teeth ! the Men are proud, and Ceremonious to a degree extremely forbidding to us. — the Women of the best sort, come seldom abroad, have little or no education, and in general seem more to resemble the first or upper Servant than the Mistress of the Family. — They live much in distinct and distant appart- ments, and by Report, if a Lady and Gentleman, can fall on a way to meet, it is the fault of the Gentleman if he is not happy, since it is a maxim with the Ladies there, that an opportunity is never to be lost. The British and Natives do not mix much together, but it would be highly unjust to omit acknowleding the atten- tion, politeness and good breeding, which the present Governour and Captain General Don Jos : de Saa, shew to every British Subject, a Country he much esteems, and honours. About the distance of three Miles towards the higher part of the Mountain stands a Chapel and an adjoining building, which they call the Church of our Lady of the Mountain. — It stands fifteen hundred feet higher than the Surface of the Sea, of perpendicular height, and commands an extensive view of the Town, the Bay, and the Country towards the East and West Side, and behind it you see the Mountains rising still more Sharp and sudden ; in short it is worth a Travellers notice, but I would advise him if not very fond of Walking to use a Mule. The Church itself is nothing very extraordinary, nor are the Churches in general in Madeira, either singular in their outward or inward Ornaments. — The Jesuits is the hand- somest I saw, and their Convent is capable of containing many brethren, it is at present empty, and the Garden quite neglected, the finest trees of various kinds, I saw on the 373 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Island, were in it, and it is capable of much improvement. — Upon the whole did this charming Island belong in property, either to the British or the Dutch, I Should suppose it in a few years to become the most envied Spot in the World, since with art and little Industry, it is capable of every improvement. I discerned during a Weeks stay, about eight, or more sorts, of very valuable and large growing Timber trees totally unknown in Britain, the wood of them varying much from each other, and many of them evergreens, and as they grow best towards the highest, and hilly part of the Island, I am in hopes they may be introduced into Britain. Doctor Thomas Hebberden, a Gentleman not more famous for his Skill in Physick, Mathematicks and Botany, than for the pleasure he takes in communicating to others his knowl- edge, and the love he has in doing good to the whole and to every individual, has been kind enough to promise to send me seeds, plants, and Specimens of all the indigenous timber trees growing on this Island, which I am hopefull may prove useful to our Country Men, lovers of improvement and exotick knowledge in times to come. We left Madeira with regret, after passing a Week there most agreeably, and in less than four and twenty hours fell in with a fine fair Breeze which wafted us pleasantly thro' the Ocean. Water all over the Island is excellent, and in great abun- dance, besides Grapes, they have Oranges, Lemons, Ananas,^ Peaches, Nectarines, Apricoks,^ Plumbs, Pomegranates, Mulberrys, Pears, Apples, and many other Fruits, and all the Kitchen stuff we ate, had a remarkable rich flavor. — Their chief Commerce is with Britain, and the British Colo- nies : they also send a few Vessels yearly to the Brazils, but I leave you to Judge of their industry, by mentioning one cir- cumstance, which much surprised me, — they bring most of the Lime they use in this Island from Lisbon, and some from England, altho the Island of Porto Santo, within twelve 1 Bananas. ' Apricots. 374 JOURNAL OF LORD ADAM GORDON Leagues of Madeira, produces good Lime Stone in abun- dance. — They grow some Wheat, and other grain, but are mostly supplyed from Britain, and North America with Flower, particularly when the Crop of Chesnuts fail, which the poorer sort, gather and dry in a manner to preserve them good for many months, and use as the Irish do Potatoes, instead of Bread. On Monday the ph of May we went on board the Polly, and Sailed that evening with the Land Breeze, but it coming calm in the night, we did not lose sight of Madeira all Tues- day, on Wednesday the gth we fell in with the Trade Winds, which blows at that season of the year from N. E. to S. E. and having fine moderate weather, proceeded on our Course without meeting with any occurrence worth mentioning 'till the loth of May, when we made the Island of Antigua. On the jist in the Afternoon, we came to an Anchor in Parham Bay, and came on Shore that evening, at Parham Town, from whence we walked up to a Seat of Valentine Morris Esqr. called Crabbs, about half a Mile from the Town. The Island of Antigua, appeared green and pleasant, the coast on that side much varied and broke by the Islands and Capes running into the Sea. — Long Island on the Left as you enter Parham Harbour is very beautiful and well cultivated, having two or more Sugar Works, and Wind Mills upon it. As much of Antigua as I saw, is pleasant, the want of Springs and Rivers, is in some degree compensated by, the pains they have taken in making for each House, one or more large Cisterns (or Tancks) which are Terrassed over, and catch all the rain Water that falls on the Houses, by Conduits and Pipes well adapted for that end. But the want of Water to cool the Stills used in the making of Rum, is much felt by the poor Negroes, who carry it on their heads, in large Vessells and sometimes from a considerable distance. Almost all the people of fashion live on their Estates in the Country, and are all more or less engaged in making of Sugar and Rum. — There are several large properties in the hands of Familys residing in Britain, who let them out 375 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES to Managers, that pay them a certain agreed annual rent on the Exchange, and these Gentlemen generally make themselves great fortunes. St. Johns is the principal Town, and the Seat of Govern- ment. It is regularly laid out, and well calculated to receive all the cool Breezes both from the Sea and Land. The Court House, Council room, and Assembly room, are grand and well contrived, over against them is a good Guard house and a Magazine well supplied with small Arms, and some Cannon. The New Barracks are spacious, well situ- ated and well contrived, thely] stand Airy, have a large Garden, two noble Cisterns, a handsome Area before them, and every conveniency one would wish, unless that they are not sufficiently inclosed. They contain one Compeat ^ Regimt and are said to have cost the Island in all, near Ten Thousand pounds Sterling. The present Governour Mr. Thomas,^ is a very well bred sensible man, and lives very genteely at his own house in the Country. Upon the whole it is a very happy Island, the Society is good, and they have no disputes, but live all well together, in good harmony. I never met with more Civilities, during a Weeks stay, or left a place with more regret. Besides the Governour, there are on the Island, Warners, Brebners, Hallydays, Maxwells, Grants, and many other of Note — all good people. We hired a little Sloop for Twelve pounds Currency, and Sailed for St. Christophers, on Tuesday evening the 5th June, after having passed the King's Birthday at St. Johns, very joyously, with much Company and the Officers of the 38th and 68th Regiments — and on Thursday the yth, I met with the Cornwal, Captain Mc Kenzie,^ who had the 66th (my Regiment) on board. The Island of St. Kitts is well watered, and has a much richer Soil than Antigua; It is also well wooded and has ^ Complete. * George Thomas, governor of Antigua from 1753 to 1766. ' Alexander McKenzie. 376 JOURNAL OF LORD ADAM GORDON also three good roads for Ships. — Basseterre, Old Road, and Sandy Point. — At Old Road, all the Men of War touch and Water. — Mr. and Mrs. Walter Pringle, and the Baillies, and Mr. Smith (of Eton) live there, and are very hospitable and agreeable people. We Sailed from Old Road on Saturday, after taking in some water, and coasted pleasantly by St. Eustatia,^ Porto Rico, and Domingo,^ making the rock of Alta Vella, and so on, due West or a little to the Southward of West, 'till we arrived in sight of Jamaica, which happened on the ijth June 1764. On Monday the i8th day of June early in the forenoon, we came to an Anchor in Port Royal road, where we found Rear Admiral Sir Wm. Burnabys Flag flying, and several of His Majesty's Ships of War. It is the Rendezvous of the Fleet, and at Port Royal is a Store house, Magazine, Hospital etca., etca. for the Navy, much frequented in all times. In coming into Port Royal Harbour, you Sail close under the Grand Battery, and very near where the old Town stood, before the great Earthquake, Hurricane, and Fire, which happened there in the years 1692, and 1701, after which the remaining Inhabitants re- moved to Kingston across the Bay some Miles, which is now the most trading, and only very considerable Town in the Island. It is large and very well Inhabited, the Streets spacious, and regularly laid out, cutting one another at right Angles, — And in the upper part of the Town, called the Savannah, are many Sumptuous houses, with Gardens, and Offices in proportion. It would [be] very warm here, but for the Sea Breezes, which commonly set in about 10, — A.M. — and last 'till near 4 oClock P.M. From Kingston to Spanish Town, where the Governour in Chief resides, and their Council, and Assembly meet, is Seventeen Miles by Land, Turnpike road all the way, thro' a Sandy Country. — About half way, you pass a little River, at a Bridge, near Mr. Wallins, a pretty place. The Governours House is large and roomy, and [on] one side ^ Saint Eustatlus. ' Santo Domingo. 377 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES of the Square or grand place — facing it stands the Court and Assembly house, with a Guard room near it. — The whole of this is a confused poor Town, Situated on the Rio Cobre and supported alone by the concourse of people, whom business with the Government brings to it. Here is no Sea Breeze, but towards the evening the Land Breeze makes the Air Cooler. The afternoons and Nights here are more intoler- ably warm, than I felt them in any other part of Jamaica. — I lived with Governour Littelton ^ and his Lady and Family, than whom nobody could be more polite, friendly or agree- able. — I attended him also to his Farm, (Penn) and to his Mountain, which is cool and pleasant, the Road to it all along the River is most enchantingly Romantick, and the three last Miles, which are thro' the Mountains, and a Horse road only, is very much out of the Common run, and [unllike anything I ever saw in Britain, being entirely covered with a variety of Wood and Underwood not known in Europe. From Kingston I had occasion to visit the Quarters of my Regiment, for which end I went on Horseback over Wag Water (acqua alta) Mountains, to St. Georges Parish at Anotta Bay, a handsome and very commodious Barrack, on the North side of the Island, where it is most narrow ; — from that I visited St. Anns, St. James's, Westmorland, Han- over, St. Elizabeths, Vere, Clarendon, and St. Dorothys, returning to Spanish town (St. Jagode la Vega) and Kingston, from whence I made the Windward Tour, taking in St. Davids, St. Thomas in the East, and Portland Parishes, which almost compleated the Tour of the Island, the middle part of which is very Mountainous, tho' Interspersed with many fine Vallies, and feeding and breeding grounds — the Sugar Plantations are more frequent in the Lands that occupy seven or ten Miles of the Coast, and are extremely rich, altho' the expence of Stock, and of Wear and Tear, is much greater than what attends any other kind of Estate, particularly when Negroes are at a high price. 1 William Henry Lyttelton, governor of Jamaica i762-i766» previously governor of South Carolina, and afterward Lord Lyttelton. 378 JOURNAL OF LORD ADAM GORDON With regard to the Country it is not easily described, as it is so much varied, and the greater part of the high grounds remain still uncleared. — It is well watered by Rivers, and has more fine Harbours than almost any other Island of its Size in the World. — Of these Port Royal, Port Antonio, Lucea, and Morant Bay are the best. — Men of War also come frequently too at Savannah La Mar and Bluefield Bay, at which last place they generally water, and frequently Rendezvous in time of War. The Forts of which, the Chief are. Fort Charles at Port Royal, Fort Augusta at Mosquito point. Rock Fort, Fort George at Port Antonio, a Fort at Savannah La Mar, and one at Lucea, are in general bad, and much out of repair, with scarce any good Artillery. — The Barracks in general in- sufficient, and ill contrived, tho mostly in good Situations ; the Country from a variety of causes, is not enough attentive to these matters ; altho' it appears they have already over built themselves, as they wished and calculated as if they should always have two compleat Corps, on the Old high Establishment of looo Men each, and indeed that Number seems not more than suflicient to secure them from Intestine rebellions and Insurrections of their Negroes, who are daily increasing beyond the proportion of white people, the last being supposed not to exceed in all 25,000 Souls, and the Slaves and Mulattoes not under 160,000. — The Gentlemen of property residing on the Island, are In general extremely civil and remarkably hospitable to Strangers — I have reason to know it, as I was at so many of their houses in the Country and In Town, where they live elegantly and well, and are able to entertain their Guests In every respect better than people of the same property can do In Europe, particularly where one stays all night. — There are few Horses or Carriages to be hired, and the Inns In general are poor places, and of bad Entertainment, owing entirely to that hospitality which takes universally — In so much that every Gentleman you visit, offers you his Carriage or Horses, to convey you, wherever you please to go. — The Horses are generally small and are best when 2B 379 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES bred from a Spanish or English Stallion and a Creole Mare. N.B. They seldom put any Shoes on such, but almost all the New England Horses, which are here in much Vogue, on account of their easy Gait, are Shod as in Britain. I cannot say I much admire the Creole Women, either for beauty or Conversation. — amongst the Blacks and Mulattoes, I have seen some wonderfully well made, and with very agreeable features, tho' often attended with one ' Circumstance, very disgusting to new Comers. ! At the Bath, in the Parish of St. Thomas in the East is a very remarkable hot Spring — It seems warmer than the i Water at Bristol, and I was obliged to let it stand some time in the glass, before I was able to drink it, — it is good in many disorders, particularly Rheumatick Complaints. — At same place is a Bath tolerably well frequented, the dis- I tance from the Village to the Spaw is about two good meas- ured Miles, a good Horse road, and at every Quarter of a ! Mile, is a Shed or covering of the Palmeto leaf, for Shelter to j. Invalids against rain, which in Jamaica, and particularly in li that neighbourhood, is frequent and very heavy, resembling i Water poured from a Bucket more than any European \\ Shower I ever was in. — 1; This Island produces many of the Conveniencies and more \\ of the Luxuries of Life — but the generality of its Inhabitants 1 look upon themselves there as passengers only, for which ; reason, all their attention is bestowed on their Plantations of ) Canes, from whence Sugar, Rum and Molasses are produced t — these are the Staple Commodities, to this may be added i Coffee, Pimento (allspice) some Ginger and some Cotton. .] Their Mutton is tolerably good. Beef is rare and dear, \ Poultry dear, and Pork excellent. — Wild Pidgeons good, ; Fish a variety, but particularly Turtle, seldom more than ! a Bitt (sixpence) a pound, — besides these, their land , Turtle and black Crabs, are delicious. — Upon the whole, 1 i found every thing in Jamaica much misrepresented, as wel j in regard to the Climate and Country as to the Inhabitants ' Of all their fruits I prefer the Shaddock and Orange i JOURNAL OF LORD ADAM GORDON Citrons and Limes grow in every Hedge ; nothing can exceed the beauty and variety of their Woods, but there is scarce any thing deserving the name of Garden in the Island. — At Mr. John Ripleys near Kingston, I saw eight Acres of land under Pine Apple, which he sells there at a Bitt apiece, or three for two Bitts. — He has also a great quantity of Bees, some, which he calls Spanish Bees, have no Stings. He is making a tryal of Madeira Grapes, but I much doubt his Success. Some years ago, during the Administration of Admiral Knowles as Governour,^ there was an attempt made to alter the chief Seat of Government, and all the Judicatories from Spanish-Town to Kingston — this set the whole by the ears, and since that time there have always subsisted disputes and Factions in their Assembly, in which will always be a few aspiring and Hot headed Men, desirous of Conducting. — At present Mr. Lyttelton by his prudence in siding with no party, and Governing by no faction, has almost got over the opposition he met with in carrying on the King's business, which no Man can have more at heart. Ofi Sunday evening the jth of August I embarked on board the Tartar, Sir John Lindesay Commander, in Port Royal road. — We Set Sail early on Monday, and after making the great Kaymana and the Capes of Corientees and Cape Antonio, on the West end of Cuba, we kept aCross the Gulphof Florida falling in with the Tortuga Bank, and the Bay of Apalachy. — On this Bank we catched much good Fish of sorts not known in Europe, and some Dolphins. — On Sunday evening the igth of August, we took in a Pilot, and came to an Anchor within the Points, and beyond the Castle on Rosa Island, and on Monday afternoon came to an Anchor about two Miles oiT of Pensacola Fort and Village, In five fathom Water. — The Fort is an Oblong Square with a double Stockade and a very narrow Ditch dug in the Sand. Four Bastions are in- ^ Sir Charles Knowles was Governor of Jamaica in 1752-1756. 381 i TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES tended. — The Governour's is the only tolerable House in the place. — It is covered with Shingles, and has a Balcony both ways up one pair of Stairs. — All the other Houses are on the ground, and covered with Palmeto Leaves. — It is a very poor place, the Soil a deep white Sand for many Miles round. | The Garrison is supplied with very good and Wholesome \\ water, from a little River which surrounds the place at some i| distance. — The Space between the Town and River is j mostly cleared of Wood, but no farther. — f The Pitch Pine grows all round in great quantities, but i not very near each other, at every here and there one finds a : Cedar Swamp, and under the large trees is much Brush of ij Candleberry, Myrtle, and Shrub Oak. >t The Harbour of Pensacola, or rather the Bay is magnifi- !S cent, and might contain any Fleet, was it not for want of '; Water at the Bar, at present nothing beyond a Fifty Gun j Ship would get over, but was a Squadron for North America ,^ ever to be built, flatter and more after the Dutch Model, it ,: might obviate this difficulty. — At present there appears ! scarce a probability of improving such desert Sands, yet -; it is difficult to Say how the Spanish Trade may operate, j since it will be more commodiously carried on here, than at ;l any Port belonging to Great Britain, particularly after thati i the Crown of Spain shall be in possession of all the East ol | Missisipi and New Orleans. — To the Westward of the ! Harbour lies English point, Point Pedro, and beyond that a i fine River, navigable for small Craft many Miles — on the * Coast of this, I perceived a greater variety of trees anc i Shrubs, amongst which I found both the Magnolias, a Sweet Bay, two kinds of Mapples, two kinds of Cedars, and ar, infinity of Candleberry Myrtle, with some other sorts re- i sembling our Oaks, Beeches and Cedars. — The Ibex here ii; ^ not large, but like Underwood, the Pines however are th<, principal produce of the whole, and next to them the Ceda:j is in the greatest plenty. Holly is very scarce. — I have seei • but one Plant. j An Island called Santa Rosa forms the Mouth of the Har ! bour, and on it stands a trifling little Fort, where is commonh, 38a ■^ ,1., JOURNAL OF LORD ADAM GORDON a Serjeants Guard with a Flag Staff, to give notice to the Fort of Pensacola, when any Vessel is coming in, it is customary for him to fire one Gun, and hoist his Colours. This Island has no Springs, and in bad Weather the little Garrison in it, has been distressed both for fresh Water and provisions. Pensacola is by all accounts a most healthy Situation, scarce any have died there since our having it, but some who came ill from the Havannah. A[t]. Mobile at this Season, everybody is ill, several have died, and in the Regiment Quarter'd there, they have but one Officer able to do Duty. It may not be improper in this place to take notice of a great neglect at home. In East Florida and the Illinois are supposed to be fifteen hundred Men, consisting of three Battalions, at present the 22d, 34th and 35th, and yet they are so incomplete, that I am certain in the three, it would not be possible at this time to collect more than five hundred Men for Service. Some of the Regiments are Commanded by a Captain, and in all of them the proportion of Absent Officers is too great, in a Country as yet so little reconciled to our Constitution and Government. At Pensacola they have no fresh Meat, but what is brought from the Country about Mobile and the Missisipi, and it would be of the greatest consequence to Florida, that a Land communication between these two Forts should be compleated, which would not be very expensive or difficult, the whole distance not exceeding Seventy Miles, thro' a Country not very thick of underwood, or a great many rivers intervening. One or two small Posts will be needfull, if this Plan should be followed, near the Rivers of greatest Note, which may be Garrisoned one from Pensacola and another from Mobile. I Should suppose a strong house to contain one Company of Men, and its Officers, at each of the two Posts, would be a sufficient force, and they might be relieved every five or Six Weeks. It may be worth considering in some time hence, how far 383 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES the Rivers running into Pensacola Bay, may or may not have a communication with those which run at the back of West Florida and Georgia, by which means a safe com- munication for Goods and Passengers might be not improp- erly established, between Pensacola, Augustine, Savannah, and East Florida. The heat here is much less intense than at Jamaica or the Leeward Islands, for there comes almost a daily breeze from the Sea, and the Nights (even in the Dog-day season) are very pleasant. — The Officers complain much of Cold in the Winter Months, and Easterly Winds which are very cutting. The Houses too are all framed of Wood, and covered with Palmeto leaves, the Sides either plaster or bark of trees, and Scarce a Chimney to be seen, so it is no wonder they are cold. Fish I never saw in more abundance, or better, indeed it is the Chief sustenance of the Garrison ; they have got some Hogs, Goats, and Poultry, but nothing can be trusted out of the Stockade, since the Indians, who come frequently to them, make a custom of stealing every thing that will eat, or be usefull. A propos — these all ride, and generally bring down more Horses than they require, those they barter for Rum in different quantities, and as the Horses are all Stolen from the back lands and Traders in Georgia and Carolina, they sell them cheap, that is from two to four Gallons of Rum a piece. — but Caveat Emptor ! for if you do not keep him in the Fort, or a close house, 'till they are gone away with their presents and purchases, you will lose him the night after you buy him, and the Indian will sell him again to the first bidder he meets. They bring down a few Deer and other Skins, but not in quantities, and now and then they bring in some Venison, which is seldom good. In the Winter Months the Deer come down nearer the Coasts, at which time the Bears, Wolves, and Foxes are also in great Numbers and often troublesome. — AUegators here are very numerous ; I saw several, and was present at the killing a large one, which lay with Its head out of cover on the Beach — we all passed it at first, and thought it was dead, but one of the Company touching it on the head, it yawned, 384 >ii JOURNAL OF LORD ADAM GORDON and just then it received several Shot and bullets before it died, It might measure twelve feet or more. During my stay at Pensacola, there came many Indians, in particular the Wolf King, two other Kings, and several Head men of Tribes. — The Wolf seemed a Sensible Old Man, said he might be a hundred years old, and that the fatigues he had undergone in going down to the Colonies in Georgia and Carolina, had effected him and made him look as old as he did. He professed great friendship for the British, and kept a Strict rein over the Indians in his Company, they were called about 300, and encamped or lay in the Bushes in a Wood by a Brook, within less than half a Mile of the Fort. — They are a hardy well made Set of people, calculated seemingly to bear fatigue, their features are manly and expressive, and with the advantages of European Education and Address, would equal them in many particulars. — They early rub themselves over with grease and some juice of an Herb, which renders their faces and bodies of a dunn copper tint — they pluck all the hair off their beards, and value high fore- heads, — what hair remains they plait or braid behind wear- ing a variety of things mixt with it, such as Strings, Shells, and feathers ; some wear pieces of Metal and Shells to their Ears, which are almost always cut or Slit in uncommon Shapes, others have rings in the gristle of the Nose, and others jarge broad Bracelets round their Arms and Wrists. — The young Children that attend them down go naked, their Squaws and themselves are fond of having their faces painted with vermillion and black, in strange manners — when they come down it is always on Horse back, and when they return they carry their Kegs of Rum, which they call Taffy, upon their own backs, on Horse-back, as well as much of the other presents, the most usual of which are as follows. Rum, Fire Arms, Flints, Powder and ball. Knives, Razors, Blankets, Shirts of all sorts. Beads, looking-glasses, and many other trifles ; for these and such like they barter Skins — mostly Deer Skins. George Johnstone Esqr. was Governour when I was at 38s TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Pensacola in 1764. — Salary £1200 Ster'g and £300 more for purchasing and maintaining a Schooner for the uses of the Province. On the I2th of October 1764^ I left the Tartar at anchor near Rose Island and Sailed in a small Schooner, along with Mr. John Steward^ (Superintendant for His Majesty's Indian affairs) to the Southward for Mobile, and came to an Anchor off of the point that Evening within the Bar — next day we made Sail up the Bay, the River Poisson being to Starboard, and the Isle Dauphine, or Massacre, being on our Larboard Quarter, rather a Stern. We had a good Pilot, one Jerome Matulicht, a Sclavonian, who resides between Mobile and Orleans, and is a very sensible fellow. On that part of the Bar of Mobile which we traversed, were all breakers, and not more than eight feet water, but on the best passage you have fourteen feet water. After you have crossed the Bar, which is not to be risked without a Pilot, you may carry up with you Sixteen feet water, keeping the middle of the Channel, until you come within two, or two and half Leagues of the Town. — Round the Point Mobile there is good holding ground for small Craft, and if you follow that up, you enter into a Bay called St. Andrew's Bay, leading up the River Poisson, which ends in a Swamp, lying in the Road between Pensacola and Mobile, — On passing over St. Andrew's Bay and River, you come to point of Land called Mallet point, from which place, quite up there occurs nothing very remarkable, 'till you meet the great Alibama River, which in its course divides the Creek, and Chactaw Nations. On the Western Shore of the Bay of Mobile you meet first the River au Pouilles, then the River au Chevreuils, and lastly the River au Chiens, two Leagues below the Town. The Fort, formerly Fort Conde, stands on the Western bank of Tombecby ^ River, which is called Mobile River, for the space of twelve Leagues upwards, and all the Land which lies between the said River, and the Alibama is held common, between the Creeks and Chactaws, ^ Captain John Stuart. 'Tombigbee. 386 JOURNAL OF LORD ADAM GORDON altho' the last pretend, that the Creeks should not pass the Alibama river. When you get within two, or two and a half Leagues of Mobile, the Water becomes shallow, unless you keep up on the East or Alibama Side, where you may ascend above the Town, round a Swamp, and then come down to Mobile, by a Channel, called the Spanish Channel. The Fort is on an Unwholesome Situation, altho' it stands rather higher than the Town. — It is a Quarre of Brick, having a bad dry Ditch, a covered way Stockaded, and an unfinished Glacis. It is Casemated and has bad Barracks on three Sides, which may contain about three hundred Men. Upon the whole, it is Strong enough to resist all Indian Attacks. The Town consists mostly of Straggling houses, built of Wood, or Wood and Brick ; the Streets are well laid out, but in the Summer and Autumn, almost everybody is ill of Fevers, Fluxes and Agues ; Bark is much Administered and Seldom fails. The Water in and near the Town is bad and often brackish the Natives who remain, fetch what water they drink, at three Miles distance, and in general stand out better, than the Garrison, and New Settlers. — I have reason to believe that such Situations, as are either totally on the Salt water, or totally on the fresh water, are the most healthy, and that such as are between both, are seldom free from Diseases, particularly in the fall. The Land round Mobile, tho' light, is certainly better than about Pensacola, and from what I have seen in South Carolina, I should think it very proper for the growth of Indigo ; at present it will produce most of the American and many European fruits and roots. I ate here some excellent white Figgs, and Saw Vines and Mulberry trees in abun- dance. The Pines are the Same as about Pensacola, but better grown, in their Rivers too, they have Mullet and other fish in plenty, but all the Channels at hand, are so full of Logs, Stumps, and trees, that it is not possible to hawl a Seine, and if you catch fish on the Alibama Side, in warm weather, they will Stink before you can bring them to Mar- ket. I was told the land on the East of the Bay, exceeds 387 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES the other, and Is very tolerably planted, and Inhabited by French. In October 1764, when I was at Mobile, the Garri- son which consisted of two Regiments, was so ill, and Weak, as scarce to be able between them to furnish a Subalterns Guard. Few Guns were mounted, and those that were, were Iron Ship Guns. All the Platforms, Casemates, and Mens Barracks, wanted repair, and there were within the Fort no Appartments for Officers, or place for Stores. In returning from Mobile to Pensacola, you Steer down the Bay, to the point of Mobile, eleven Leagues due South, from that to point Lagune, four Leagues East and by North, thence to Point la Croix, East and North, Northerly, three Leagues, then to Point Perdido, sam[e] Course three Leagues, and from that to the Flag Staff on St. Rosa Island, four Leagues East and by North. The Bar at the Mouth of the River Perdido, has not more than four and a half feet water on it, at low water, and having a prodigious Surff, cannot be attempted but by very small Craft — indeed. — As the Wind may be, there is very good Anchoring for small Vessels, either within or without the Point of Mobile, and when the Wind is from the Northward, small Vessels, may lay safe, close in, under the East end of Isle Dauphin ; from the Point cross the Bay to said Island is about three Leagues, in some parts of which you have no more than Six feet Water, and the Island bears from Point Mobile almost due West. The Soil of this Island is a Sand, but produces Wild Indigo, and China Oranges ; I found on it both the Magniolas, the Persimoin Plumb, a variety of Oaks, Pines, Cedars, Plantanes and Maple, — Fish and water Fowl in plenty, in due season, but no Deer. I returned to Pensacola the 26th of October, and Embarked on board the Packet-boat, Lesslie Groves Esqr. Commander, on the 1st Novr. for Augustine. — N.B. Was Saluted at leaving' Mobile and Pensacola, by the Forts and Ships with 15 Guns, and Convoy'd over the Bar by Sir John Lindsey, and Captain Lockyer of His Majesty's Ships Tartar and Nautilus. On the $th and 6th Novr. we had hazy weather and heavy Squals on Shore, in so much, that we with great Risk and 388 JOURNAL OF LORD ADAM GORDON difficulty were able to weather the Banks, running off from Cape St. Blaize.^ — I never Saw a greater Sea. — On the yth the weather mended, and we kept on our Course, Steer- ing South and by East for the Tortuga Island, and on the Qth about noon we made it, it bearing then from us East, or East and by South, about four Miles distance, fourteen fathom Water. We then Steered for the other Tortuga, laid down in some Charts, but said not to exist in others ; We never made it, but on the following day, discovered some high lands in Cuba, which then bore from us South East, about eight Leagues distance, we kept off in the Night, and stood in Shore by daylight — It appeared much wooded, and the Inland very high. — On the Tortuga Bank, we caught abundance of excellent Red rock Cod, and Several Dolphins, with bait of the Sucking Fish. — O71 Sunday the nth Cuba bore right ahead, five Leagues. We Stood in and found ourselves off of a Creek Called Aruca, about eight Leagues to the Eastward of the Havannah ; Stood in and off Shore, Steering due West, and on that evening, about Six, came to an Anchor off of the Moro^ ; about a hundred yards off it bore E. S. E. — We sent our Letters on Shore, but were not Suffered to Land. Monsr. Le Conde de Ricla, the Spanish Governour, wrote me a very polite Letter, excusing the necessity he was'under, to conform himself to the repeated Orders of his Court, and sent me some Wine etca. — But Monsr. O'Reilly, and Father Butler of Ireland were not so Civil. All the part of Cuba I saw, to the Eastward of the Havannah, is high, and much wooded, the Harbour seems capacious, and the Town and Works round it, seem all to be commanded by the Moro- Castle, which appears extremely inaccessible, by reason of its great height above the Water to any attacks of Ship- ping ; I saw many people at Work, and was told, they were employed, in repairing the Old, and constructing the New Works of the Moro, four or five thousand people daily. — - After taking on board some Water etca. we Weighed about five Monday evening the 12th, Steering for the high land, ^ San Bias. ^ Morro Castle. 389 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES called the Matanzas, from which all Ships, going thro' the Bahama Streights, chuse (if possible) to take their departure, in order, to get well into the Gulph Stream, and to avoid falling in with Cape Florida, or the Shoals and Rocks, which lie off of it, and are called the Martyres. To a person who has not seen it, it is scarce possible to conceive an Idea, of the Strength and velocity of the Current, you meet here, which runs ever to the Northward, and in that degree, that altho' the Wind should be right ahead, the Stream will nevertheless hurry you thro', in a most amazing Manner. From the Matanzas you hold a Northerly Course, and you can scarce go amiss, when once you get into mid-channel. In 22 Deg's 20 Mins N. Latitude, off the Florida Coast lies a dangerous Shoal, which runs out some Leagues from the Main land ; It is called Cape Canaverall, — there is a small Channel for Coasting Vessels, between the Main and it, and I am told the Spanish Coasters used it, as well as a Channel between the Keys and the Cape of Florida. — But neither of these passes are to be risked in a Vessel of any draught of Water, or without a Pilot. In Latitude 28 deg. and 30 Min. lies the North end of the great Bahama Bank, and beyond that Latitude the Current will hustle you both to the East- ward and Northward, Surprizingly. In Latitude 30 you will have Soundings many Leagues off Shore, but will not be able to make the land clear, 'till you get into eight or nine fathom Water. It will then be distant from you some two Leagues, or two and a half, and you will be easily sensible of the Change of colour in the water, which on this Coast be- comes ever whiter and more muddy as you approach the Land. — All the Coast, at, and about Augustine, appears flat, and White sand, much the same as in West Florida. Trees are seen Inland, and little worth notice besides occurs. Our passage was a disagreeable one, owing to a very short high Sea ; however as we got to the Northward, we had better weather, and on the igth oj Novemr we made the Land right ahead and Stood in. — By an observation at noon, we found ourselves in 30 Deg. 6 Min. North Latitude, consequently to the Northward of our Port, which by the most accurate 390 JOURNAL OF LORD ADAM GORDON observations hitherto made, lies in 29 deg. 53 Min. North Latitude. About noon we came to an Anchor off [St.] Augustine Bar, in about five fathom Water : the Island on which the Town stands, as well as the Island on which the Light house is built, being then in sight : the Pilot boat, and a very ill calculated, insufficient boat she is, came off, and carried us in over the Bar and Breakers. I[n] this short passage, I apprehend, we ran more risk of being lost, than in any former part of our Voyage — Many boats and lives have been lost there, and I never intend passing it again, unless upon actual Service. There is another passage called the Swatch, almost as dangerous as over the Bar. Augustine has all the appearance of a place that will thrive, altho' the Bar is an insurmountable obstacle to its being a place of Exportation : for at the best of Tide, you can bring with you but twelve feet of water, yet, when once in the Harbour, you are safe, and have deep water. — But large Ships lying at Anchor, off the Bar, or plying off and on, run risk of being blown on Shore, or on the Breakers which are terrible, and what is worst, it shall happen in blowing weather, that for days, and Weeks, no boat or small Vessel, can venture, either to go out or in over the Bar. As soon as the projected road from the Province of Georgia to Augustine is compleated, most people will come that way, to Augustine from Savannah, Charlestown, and all the Northern Provinces. It may not be improper here to take notice, that the River St. Mary's which divides Georgia from East Florida, may in time became a usefull Port to both Provinces. — The mouth of this river by a very exact observation, lies in 30 deg. 47 Min. N. Latitude, and has at the deepest seven fathom water at entering : but you may carry into the river's mouth four fathom and three fathom water, for fifty Miles up at high water. The distance between the South point of Cumberland Island, and the North point of Emilia,^ which forms the ^ Amelia Island. 391 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Entrance, is about one Mile. Upon the whole, this River, tho' little known and less frequented, may justly be esteemed one of the safest Bars, and Entrances on all the Coast, from Cape Florida, to the Capes of Virginia. The Land on both Banks of this very remarkable river, is mostly Pine-Barren, with here and there some trifling Swamps, and several fine Bluffs ; particularly on the Florida Shore of it ; which remarks when duly considered and weighed, may some future day, deserve a more narrow and closer view and attention, and will therefore plead my excuse for saying so much on the Subject. On the opposite side of East Florida, and about half distance from St. Mark's, to the Cape of Florida, lies the Bay of Tampa, which is some- times called Bahia del Spiritu Santo : It is supposed to have Water to carry in any Ship in the World, and safe space within to contain any Fleet. — but as an exact Survey of it is now actually taking, by orders from home, I will say no more of it, only to remark, the Utility it may prove to be of, in any future War with Spain — in cutting off all communi- cation between La Vera Crux,^ and Cuba, as from the nature of the Trade Winds in the Gulph of Mexico, all Ships on that passage, must come almost within sight of said Harbour, or Bay, as it is more properly called. The Land for thirty Miles round this Bay, is claimed by John Gordon Esqr., as a Spanish purchase : two considerable Rivers empty themselves into it, the heads of which (some imagine) actually [connect] with the Rivers that fall into the Sea, near Augustine, but most people allow, that with a very moderate expence, a water communication, could be made so, as to have inland Navigation across that part of East Florida, lying in a Line from Augustine to the Bay of Apa- lachy, or near it. The Fort at Augustine is a Quarre, smaller but better finished than the Fort at Mobile : It is built of Stone, which soft at first Quarrying, grows hard in the weather and is extremely white. It is Casemated all round the four sides, and can Mount from Seventy to Eighty pieces of Cannon. ^ Vera Cruz, Mexico. 392 JOURNAL OF LORD ADAM GORDON At present no more than Twenty are Alounted, it is neatly executed, but on too small a Scale, tho' Strong on account of the great difficulty of approaching it, owing to the Swampy land and very Shoal water, that almost Surrounds it. Governour Grant ^ has fitted up the House and formed his Establishment, his Council and Courts. Many Gentlemen of worth and Substance, from Carolina and Georgia, are in terms to Settle in this Province, and intend to plant Indigo, Rice and Cotton, all which, it is presumed must answer well. Towards the Cape, and on the South Keys, grow abundance of Mahogony, live Oak, and other Timber, valuable in Ship-building, and other uses ; the Rivers, Bays, and Coasts abound in Fish, more and in greater variety than in Europe, the Inhabitants of Providence ^ catch Turtle there every year, and Supply themselves, and the adjacent Continent with it, as they do Europe with Mahogony, cut on the above named Keys. Two hundred Bermudians have intentions to Settle themselves towards the Cape next fall and more of them will follow, since they are assisted, and enabled, by a generous and publick Spirited donation, of five pounds Ster'g to each Settler, Woman and Child, by John Savage Esqr. of Charlestown, who means to lay out for this purpose, not less than five thousand pounds Sterling. The Soil, in and near Augustine is light, and Sandy, yet it produces every species of Garden StuflF known in Britain, when sown in due season. — When I was there in November, we had Pease, Beans, Sallad, Oranges, Limes, Critons and Lemons, the Gardens of every house in Town are full of them, and also produce Grapes, Figs (two Crops) Peaches and Pomgranates. I am assured the Avocada Pear, the Plantane, and other West India fruits, have come to perfec- tion there : from whence one may suppose it not impracti- cable (particularly towards the Cape, where there is richer land and more Sun) to raise Sugar, Coffee, Pimento, and all the West India productions. ^ James Grant was governor of East Florida in 1763-1771. ^ I.e., of New Providence (or Nassau) in the Bahamas. 393 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES The Town of Augustine has several good houses in it, the Streets are not ill laid out, but too narrow (a Spanish Mode). It is remarkably healthy, perhaps the most so of any Town in America ; the Climate in Winter is pleasant, beyond the Idea of any man who has never been out of Europe ; the Spaniards lived in it to a remarkable old age, healthy and chearful ; our Sick Soldiers from the Havannah, almost all did well, and continue to look well in Augustine, and altho' surrounded with water, meadow and Marsh, fevers and Agues are scarce known. It is enclosed by a bad line, and a sort of Ditch, the line was planted with the Palmeto Royal, but its best defence is the great difficulty to bring up any Artillery against it, for the reasons already given. After all, from what I have seen of it, and heard of it, was I ever to apply for any land in America, it should be in this Prov- ince, which has many of the advantages, and none of the disagreeable Circumstances, that too visibly must occur, in planting and Settling the adjacent Province of West Florida. On Thursday the 28th of November, I crossed the Swatch, and got on board the Packet, and on the 2d of Decemr after rather a tedious passage we came into Tiby ^ road, which is the Entrance into Savannah River, passed three Miles higher up, and came to an Anchor off of Cockspur Fort, on the right hand going up. The Province of Georgia, extends from St. Mary's to the East bank of the Savannah river, the Northern Stream of which divides it from South Carolina. It was Settled orig- inally by Oglethorpe in 1738,^ and was vested in the hands of several tlrjustees, however that plan failed, and for a little more than twelve years, it has been a Royal Government, since which alteration, it has annually increased, and in a great proportion too, — so late as the year 1761, the Rice exported from this Province, did not exceed five thousand Barrels, in 1763 it amounted to 12000, and is annually increasing, — in this same year they exported, commodities to the amount of £50.000 Sterling. ^Tybee. * 1733- 394 JOURNAL OF LORD ADAM GORDON The Capital Town called Savannah, is extremely well laid out, and the buildings In it are increasing in Number, and Size. — It stands on a bluff fifty feet above the Surface of the River, about fifteen Miles from the Mouth at Tiby Light- house, about Miles ^ below Purisburg ^ and near three hundred Miles, below Augusta, to which place Savannah river is Navigable for large Boats. — By Land the distance is near half as much. Within twelve miles of Savannah, the Governour ^ carried me to visit the Orphan house,^ which is a large Substantial commodious Building, erected by Contributions collected from the charitable and benevolent, by the Revd.Mr. George Whitfield, and supported to this period in the same manner. Several Orphans have been reared and educated here, and put out to different Masters. — Upwards of £12.000 Sterg has by the Books, been collected, expended, and most exactly accounted for, by the said Revd. Gentleman, who has con- tributed a Sum, little short of £3.000, of his own towards it, and is now about conveying and punctually vesting it (to- gether with all the land, Negroes, Stock etca. amounting to an annual fund of near £500, a year Sterg) in the hands of Trustees, to be named by Royal Charter, for a College to educate youth, which disinterested plan, is justly much applauded, by the Governour, and Province of Georgia, as tending very much to the advantage of that Province, and all other His Majesty's Southern Dominions, where no place for Education of that kind has yet been attempted. The produce of Silk does well here, but will still stand in need of the aiding hand of Parliament — the annual quantity, at an average of three years past, made and sent to Britain, has been about 1000 pounds weight, and is likely rather to increase than diminish. Mulberry trees grow in great perfection, as well as other European productions, except Apples. — I saw a Cabbage from one root, which produced many heads, and spread over a Circumference of thirty 1 Twenty-two miles. 2 Purrysburg, South Carolina. 'James Wright was governor of Georgia in 1760-1782. * Bethesda, on a bluff near the seashore. 2c 395 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES feet. — It has stood and Seeded three years. The same Garden produced a Potatoe, which weighed ten pounds and | three Quarters. The Governour and Council Hve all in love and unanimity and there is all the probability in the world, to judge from the face of the land, the multitude and depth, as well as the long course of their Rivers, their inShore Navigation, and the Security derived to them from the addition of the two new Southern Provinces,^ as well as their own Industry and Application, that Georgia will become one of the richest, and most considerable Provinces in British America, and that in a very few years, provided peace continues. The Soil about Savannah is light and Sandy, which is troublesome in windy weather, the Tide land on both sides the river, is mostly Cypress Swamp, and the fittest for Rice, and all || other productions that can exist, since, when properly banked !■ in, and drained, you need have no dependance on Seasons, i; but either overflow or keep dry your fields, just as you please, r N.B. Some land of this nature in South Carolina has |: produced Rice for forty years successively, and has improved ii every year as well in the quality as quantity of the grain, 'i without any manure. i' On the Carolina side of Savannah River, in one Stretch \\ there lies near 40.000 Acres of such Swamp land, as yet ]\ mostly to clear, and on the Georgia side, a large proportion 'i of the same land, tho' not quite so much. — The Exports | from Georgia are. Rice, Indigo, Pitch, Tar, Turpentine, i Hides, Deer Skins, Lumber, Timber of most kinds, and for <| most purposes, and raw Silk. I am told Sunbury is a thriv- 1 ing place, and a tolerable Harbour and Bar, a forty Gun Ship can come up above Tiby and lie Safe. : James Wright Esqr. was Governour of Georgia in February 1 1765 when I was there, a very worthy Gentleman and much i respected by the Province, and by every body who has the:'|^ happyness of knowing him. j The Currency of both Floridas, and Georgia is Sterling j money. ^ The Floridas. 396 •ill JOURNAL OF LORD ADAM GORDON I arrived at Charlestown, the Metropolis of South Caro- lina, on the 8th Decemr. 1764, having landed at Beaufort in Port Royal Island, some days before from Savannah river, which divides it from Georgia, as an imaginary Line does this Province from North Carolina. It is of all the Southern Provinces the most considerable, on account of the Number of Inhabitants, the quantity and the variety of its productions and Exports, and the good con- dition of its Inhabitants. There seems in general to be but two Classes of people — the planters who are the proprietors, and the Merchants who purchase and Ship the produce. Rice and Indigo are the two grand Staples of this Province, of which very great quantities are annually made and Ex- ported to Europe and elsewhere. — It has been augmenting annually in Numbers, wealth and Industry, since the Crown purchas'd out the Lords proprietors, and as none of its Ex- ports or productions, interfere with those of the Mother Country, it will be prudent in her to give this Province all possible encouragement. Almost every family of Note have a Town residence, to which they repair on publick occasions, and generally for the three Sickly months in the fall, it being a certainty, that the Town of Charles Town, is>t present the most healt[h]y spot in the Province ; fevers and other disorders are both less frequent in it, and less virulent in their Symptoms ; this is attributed to the Air being mended by the Number of Fires in Town, as much as to its cool Situation, on a point, at the junction of the two navigable Streams, called Ashley and Cowper ^ Rivers. The Inhabitants are courteous, polite and affable, the most hospitable and attentive to Strangers, of any I have yet seen in America, very clever in business, and almost all of them, first or last, have made a trip to the Mother- Country. It is the fashion indeed to Send home all their Children for education, and if it was not owing to the nature of their Estates in this Province, which they keep all in their ^ Cooper. 397 \ but the Posts cannot be multiplied to the Degree necessary j to compleat it. From hence the Traders complain that 'j, they are prevented from getting the Quantitys of Furrs, i they could procure from Nations who live at a great Dis- i- tance from the Posts, were they not restrained from going i to them; which gives the French Traders an advantage .(| 460 INTRODUCTION over them who go and reside amongst such Tribes, and by their Intrigues do a great deal of Mischief. It is also so contrary to the old Custom of Trade, and no People more Attached to Customs than the Indians, and they find so much more Trouble than formerly to procure their Neces- sarys,that the Indians are in general very averse to the Plan ; are desirous that all Traders should come amongst them, and encourage them to act contrary to their Regulations. "It may be difficult to fix the exact Boundarys of Trade to each Province respectively, or to prevent the Traders from one Province, when in the Deserts, from rambling into the Precincts Allotted to others. But it's certainly very Necessary that the whole should be Subject to some general Rules and Restrictions. I am of Opinion, That the Price of all Goods should be fixed, for every part of the Country, that no Trader should trade without a License, and a very small Fee taken for such License : That the Traders should give Security for their good Behavior and observation of all Rules and Restrictions, That tho' Licensed in one Province they may be brought to Punishment in all, for any Frauds or Misdemeanors, or in any shape breaking the Condition of their Bonds by which they obtain their Licenses. That I every Trader should be obliged to return with his Peltry to that Province from whence he received his License, and make Returns of the Quantity and Nature of the Peltry he brings with him. This Method may in some Measure pre- vent their going down the Mississippi ; Returns should also be made of the Quantity and Nature of the Goods they carry out. That the Indian Commissarys should be so stationed, that every Nation may be able to lay their Com- plaints before some of these Commissarys, who should be 1 empowered to do them Justice in the Case of Misusage or fraudulent Dealings on the part of the Traders ; transmitting ithe Names of such People to the respective Governors that they may meet with proper Punishment. The Indians should be made acquainted with all the Rules and Restric- ;tions particularly with the Prices fixed for the Goods, and 'warned to trade with none but the Licensed Traders. This 461 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES I conceive will give them a high Notion of His Majesty's Regard for them, by the Care they will see that is taken to j prevent their being abused or defrauded. "I have taken the Liberty to offer Your Lordship My Sentiments on this Material Point, and tho' sensible of the : Difficulties of exacting a Strict Observance of any Rules, , from a Set of People, who for the most part, are near as ; wild as the Country they go in, or the People they deal with, , and by far more vicious and wicked, yet by due Care and I Attention in His Majesty's Governors and the Indian Agents ; and Commissarys, I think much good may be done. The ; above Reflections are also calculated upon the Plan adopted, , of laying every part of the Trade open to all Adventurers. ^ I have only further to add at present on this Subject, if | such a Plan coincide with our Principles of Government, ( that of all the Systems of Indian Commerce which have jj come within My Knowledge, I have found none equal to ) that adopted by the French ; which a long Experience proved to be a good one. The whole Country was divided into Districts and sold, upon Condition of paying yearly Revenues to the Crown, to certain Traders or Companys of Traders ; who enjoyed exclusive Rights of Trade in their j respective Districts. It was the Policy as it became the j Interest of all, to treat the Indians well and conciliate their \ affections. If they were ill used, they would go to the l' Neighbouring District for their Necessarys. If those of ' one District intruded upon the Territorys of others. Govern- :; ment was not troubled but the Persons aggrieved were re- ; dressed by Law. And the whole Business of Indian Com- i merce was transacted greatly to the Benefit of the Crown, i to the general Satisfaction of the Savages, without Trouble or Expense to Government, and the Trade flourished Ex- i "'^'^'"g'y "Thos. Gage." i i The official copy of this journal has been preserved in the | Public Record Office, London; CO. 5: 85, pp. 123-140, : and there is one transcript of this in the Library of Congress i and another in the Canadian Archives, at Ottawa. There ; 462 INTRODUCTION is also a copy among the Hutchlns Manuscripts in the Library of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania ; in that copy Captain Gordon begins his account with the receipt of his instructions and passes briefly over his journey from New York to Pittsburg. Portions of the Journal have been published in Thomas Pownall's Topographical Description of . . . North America (1776), in the Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society (July, 1909), in C. A. Hanna's Wilderness Trail (191 1), and in the Collections of the Missouri Historical Society (191 1). 463 I JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN HARRY GORDON, 1766 The i8th of June,^ Mr. Croghan having finished his Busi- ness with the Indians, the Batteau's being fitted, and having Engaged the Sufficient Number of Batteau-Men ; We em- barked on the Ohio at One P. M. ; By the Rains that fell this and the preceding day the River Ohio had risen between Two and Three Feet, so that the largest Batteau's of the Merchants that were sent under our Escort which consisted of Indians, never touched altho' 7 Tons Burthen. The iQth We arrived at the Mingo Town,^ which by our Reckoning is 71 Miles below Fort Pitt ^ ; The Country 1 In the Hutchins copy of the journal this entry is preceded by the following : " Having received His Excellency, the Com- mander in Chief's, Orders and Instructions the 9th of May, I preceded to Philadelphia with Ensign Hutchins, Assist. Engineer, the 13 of same Mon[th]. Having purchased at that Place the 1 necessary Store[s] for our further Journey and hired Carriage for them to Fort Pitt, we left Philadelphia the 23d, and got [to] the Ohio the 14th June, having been delayed by Sickn[ess] several t; Days on the Road; of which I acquainted Mr. Croghan, Depy Indian Agent, by Express, as I had Orders to accompany Him. "I found the Road over the Allegheny Mountains extremely * bad, and will be most probably impassable for Carriages by next I! Summer. "The Fort at Ligonier, near the western Foot of the Mountains, , is much Shattered, by the Timbers and Stockades being almost t rotten. The Country near the Fort is very fine, healthy, and \ Soil rich, producing plentifully all Kinds of Grain, Hemp, or ; Flax. There are some Inhabitants now, and many more would assemble there was any Right of Possession or Property secured to them. "I described to the Commander in Chief the Condition of Fort Pitt by Letter i6th of June." 2 Mingo Town was inhabited by Indians of the Six Nations who separated from their tribesmen about 1750. ' Now Pittsburg. 464 JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN HARRY GORDON between broken, with very high Ridges, the Valleys Narrow, and the Course of the River plunged from many high Grounds which compose it's Banks ; At this Village, Indian business detained us a Day, but altho' the Rains abated the 19th in the Morning, the River rose for several Days, and run so Rapid as to carry us with moderate Rowing from 6 to 7 Miles per hour. The 23d we came to the Mouth of the Muskingum before Noon, observed and found the Latitude to be 39° 19', The Muskingum is a very large River 250 Yards Wide at it's Confluence with the Ohio ; It is said to be Navigable 150 Miles upwards for Batteau's, and runs thro' a pleasant Country, as that near it's Junction appeared to be. Many small Creeks and Streams run into the main River, a Mark of the Lands near it being plentifully watered ; Our Indians killed several Buffaloe, between the Mingo Town and the Muskingum; We first met with a herd of this kind of Animal, about 100 Miles below Fort Pitt, but they are not so Common, untill we pass the Scioto ; At this Place we arrived the 2gth June 366 Miles below Fort Pitt, the Navigation we found Uninterrupted to our largest Batteaus : The Flood Indeed was with Us, but at any Time there will be no Obstacle from the Mingo Town, which is 71 Miles from Fort Pitt, nor much from the Big beaver Creek.^ The River Ohio from 50 Miles above Muskingum to Scioto, is most beautifull, a Number of Islands are to be seen of different Sizes, but all covered with the tallest of Timber; The long Reaches, among which is one of 16 Miles and a ^, inclosed with the finest Trees of diflFerent kinds of various Verdures and Leaves of the largest Sorts, Afford a noble and Enchanting prospect. The Rivers Hockhocking ^ and Canawha ^ fall into the Ohio in this Space, besides others of a Smaller Size : Up the big Canawha,"* the Northern Indians penetrate into the Cherokee Nations, and is a large fine Stream by report. Navigable ICX) Miles, towards the Southward. ^ Beaver River. ^ Now called Hocking. ' Little Kanawha. * Great Kanawha. 465 f TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES The Country is Every where pleasant, in the bends of the Rivers course are large level Spots of the richest Land, and on the whole is remarkably healthy, by the Accounts of Traders who have been some time with the Indians hunting in those Parts ; One Remark of this Nature, may serve for the whole Tract of the Globe, Comprehended between the Western Skirts of the Allagheny Mountains, beginning at the Post of Ligonier, thence bearing S. Westerly to the dis- tance of 500 Miles Opposite the Ohio Falls, then Crossing them Northerly to the Heads of the Rivers that Empty into the Ohio ; Thence East along the Ridge that separates the Lakes and Ohio Streams,^ to French Creek, which is Opposite the Post of Ligonier Northerly ; This may be from proper knowledge Affirmed, that it is the healthiest, (as no Sort of Chronicle disorder ever Prevails in it) most pleasant, and most Commodious Spot of the Earth known to Euro- | pean People Supposing a State of Nature. j We remained near the Scioto untill the 8th July, Observed j and found the Latitude 38° 22'. The greatest part of the j Shawnese Nation were Assembled here at the desire of Mr. ; Croghan; Matters being Settled with them (altho' with i Difficulty) We pursued our Route the 8th July, the i6th \ We Encamped opposite the great Lick,^ and next day I j went with a Party of Indians and Batteau-Men to view this : much talked of Place. The beaten Roads from all Quarters \ to it easily Conducted us, they resemble those to an Inland j Village where Cattle go to and fro a large Common. The ! Pasturage near it seems of the finest kind, mixed with , Grass and Herbage, and well watered. On our Arrival at | the Lick, which is 5 Miles distance South of the River, We \ discovered laying about many large bones, some of which ; [were] the Exact Patterns of Elephants Tusks, and others : of different parts of a large Animal. The Extent of the ; Muddy part of the Lick is f of an Acre. This Mud being i ^ This ridge crosses the state of Ohio from the northern part of | Darke County E. N. E. to Trumbull County. ^ j 2 Big Bone Lick, in Boone County, Kentucky, about twenty miles • southwest of Cincinnati. ' 466 JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN HARRY GORDON of a Salt Quality is greedily lick'd by BufFaloe, Elk, and Deer, who come from distant parts, in great Numbers for this purpose. We picked up several of the bones, some out of the Mud, others off the firm ground, Returned, pro- ceeded next day, and arrived at the falls igth July. The Ohio Continues to be Narrow the whole distance from Fort Pitt to within lOO Miles of the Falls, ^ it's breadth seldom Exceeds 500 Yards, and is Confined by rising grounds, which causes many Windings, altho' the reaches are sometimes from 2 to 4 Miles long : The longest of them and most beautifull, are (as has been said) above Scioto. The River, 100 Miles above the Falls, widens to 700 Yards in many Places, a Number of Islands Appear, the grounds diminish generaly in height, and the Country is not so much broken. Some few of the banks are overflowed in high Freshes, but this is but Seldom, and there is hardly any Place from Fort Pitt to the Falls, where a good Road may not be made along the banks, and Horses be Employed in drawing up Bilanders against the Stream, which is gentle if no Rain Flood is in the River. The height of the Banks permits their being Every where inhabited, nor do they Seem Subjected to crumble much away. The little and big Mineami Rivers ^ fall in below the Scioto, on the N. Side, and the Licking Creek ^ and Kentucke, on the S. side. There are many good Encampments on the Islands and a very remarkable Safe one opposite the Big Lick. The Flood that Accompanied us many Days, left us at Scioto, and we found the Water at the Falls, low. The Falls ought not to be called so, as the Stream on the North Side has no sudden pitch, but only runs rapid over the ledge of a fiat Limestone Rock, which the Author of Nature has put there, to keep up the Waters of the Ohio ; And to be the cause of that beautifull Stillness of the Rivers course above it. That this Bed or Dam should not wear, it is made almost flat and smooth to resist less the current, which would ^ The Falls of the Ohio are at Louisville. 2 Little Miami and Great Miami. ^ Gunpowder. 467 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES sooner get the better of greater resistance, but as It is still Subject to wear, there is made Enough of it, being two Miles wide, and it's length into the Country on each side, as covered with soil. Unknown. Mr. Morgan ^ unloaded one Third, and with the Assistance of the Indians, who knew the Channel best, and were usefuU and willing, got his Boats safe down the Rapid on the North side. The Carry- ing Place is f of a Mile on this side, and half as much on the S. E. This last is Safer for those that are Unacquainted, but more tedious, as during part of the Summer and fall they must drag their Boats over the flat Rock. Had we Continued with the Flood we should have had no Carrying at all. The Companys Boats that passed in April were not Sensible of any Falls, neither knew the Place where they are. In the course of Communication, a Serjeants Post will be necessary and usefuU here, the Situation of it will be marked in the Plan. The Water was reckoned low at the Falls, it could not be otherwise, as since the Rain that fell at Fort Pitt where we set out, we have only had two Small gusts of about an Hours Continuance Each. The heats of the Day have been by no means intolerable, and the Coolness of the Nights have required a thick Blanket for Covering in our Tents. Notwithstanding of our Distance from the Fort being 682 Miles our Latitude is not much Southerly. At the Falls we make it 38° 8'. Another Obser- vation before I leave this Place, which is that the Westerly, and South West Winds, generaly blow up the River, and will Assist that Navigation. Several pieces of Spar and Oar were brought in by Our Indians while we remained here. We left the Falls the 2jd and Encamped the 31st on a large Island,^ Opposite the Mouth of the Wabash, which we make ^ly^ Miles below the Falls. From the Falls to about half this Distance the Country is very Hilly, the course of the River very winding and Narrow, and but very few Spots of level land on the sides of the river. The Hills are mostly Stoney and Steep ; but from the great herds of Buflfaloe, we ^ George Morgan. * Wabash Island. 468 JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN HARRY GORDON observed on the Beaches of the Islands and River, into which they come for Air and Coolness in the Middle of the Day, it may be Imagined good Pasturage is not very Dis- tant. 837 Miles below Fort Pitt, we leave the Ridgey ground behind, the Country grows flatt, and the River whose Bed widens, is often divided by Islands. The Navi- gation is good from the Falls ; But where the low Country begins, Attention must be had to keep the principal Channel, which is in general to the right coming down. The Wabash is maskt by a large Island round which Boats may go most times of the Year. The End of the Fork of the two Rivers is narrow and Overflowed, i^ Miles upwards it is higher ground. The Party of Indians we had two days sent before to View the Country joined us, and reported they could only discover Tracts of some small hunting or War Parties but none of any Number together. The herds of BuflFaloe are hereabouts Extraordinary large and frequent to be seen. The River Wabash at it's Confluence is 306 Yards Wide, and Issues in with a Considerable quantity of Water of a Muddy kind. It is Navigable between 3 and 400 Miles upwards, but should be used by small Boats, as those of the Companys sent up it were obliged to be iightned in order to proceed ; Indeed the dryness of the Weather had caused a lowness of Water in both Rivers. Observed the Latitude at Wabash 37° 41'. The Country between the course of this River, and that of the Mississippi is in general Flat, Open, and of a Rich Luxuriant Soil ; That on the Banks of the Ohio is level and in many Places Overflowed hereabouts. The 2d we left the Wabash in the Evening, next Morn- ing we halted near the Saline or Salt Run, of which any Quantity of good Salt may be made. From this Place the Deputies from the Northern Nations, were Sent across the Country by Mr. Croghan to the Ilinois, to acquaint the Commandant and Indian People there of our Arrival in those parts. The 6th in the Morning We halted at Fort Massaic ^ ^ Fort Massac. 469 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES formerly a French Post 120 Miles below the Mouth of the Wabash, and 11 below that of the Cherokee River; ^ The Country 25 Miles from the Wabash begins again to be Mountainous, being the N. W. End of the Apalachian Moun- tains, which entirely terminate a small Distance from the River, Northerly ; They are here between 50 and 60 Miles across, and are Scarpt Rocky Precipices, below them no more high lands are to be seen to Westward as far as those that Border the Mexican Provinces. The reason of the French's sending a Garrison to this Place, was to be a Check on the Cherokee Parties that came down the River of that Name, which is Navigable for Canoes from their upper Towns, and who harrassed Extremely the French Traders intending to go among the Wabash and Shawnes ^ Nations ; The Situation of this Fort is a good one ; Jetting with a Point a little into the River, the Reach of which up and down it discovers to a Considerable distance ; a Garrison here will protect the Traders that come down the Ohio, untill they have accounts from the Ilinois ; It will prevent those of the French going up the Ohio or among the Wabash Indians. Hunters from this Post may be sent amongst the Buffaloe, any Quantity of whose Beef they can procure in proper Season, and the Salt may be got from the above- mentioned Saline at an easy rate to cure it, for the use of the Troops at the Ilinois, and in the other Posts on the Mississippi. The Situation is a good one, no where Com- manded from, nor can the Retreat of the Garrison (a Con- sideration in the Indian Countries) ever be cut off; The River being, from the Entrance of that called the Cherokee, from 7 to 800 Yards wide. It will in a political light hold the Ballance between the Cherokee and Wabash Indians, as it favors the Entrance of the former, across the Ohio into the latters Country, and covers their Retreat from it, and there is no proper Spot for a Post nearer the Cherokee River above, or the Mississippi below, but this, as the grounds on the Banks of the Ohio, begin to be very low ; The Current ^ Tennessee River. ^ Shawnee. 470 JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN HARRY GORDON of the River towards the Mississippi is very still, and may- be easily ascended if affairs are any way doubtfull, at or near the Ilinois. yth. We got to the Fork of the Ohio in Latitude 36° 43', about 40 Miles below Massaic, we took a Survey of the River in coming down, our bearings and Distances from the method we imagined, and carefully pursued, have a considerable right to be Exact, and have been Corrected with Observations on the Latitude that are to be depended on. The gentle Ohio is pushed back by the impetuous Stream of the Mississippi, whose muddy white water is to be seen above 200 Yards up the former ; We examined the ground for several Miles within the Fork, it is an Aggregation of Mud and Dirt, interspersed with Marsh, and some Ponds of Water, and is in the high times of the Mississippi Over- flowed, which is the case with the other sides of both Rivers. gth and loth repaired the Boats, and fitted them strongly with every thing in our Power, to Encounter the Stream of the Mississippi, which we thought hardly possible, having been so long used to the much gentler one of the Pleasant Ohio. nth August having been Joined by a Party of the 34th Regiment from Fort Chartres,^ We began to Ascend the Mississippi, whose Rapid Stream has broke thro' the Country, and divided it every where into a Number of Islands ; The low lands on each side continue 8 Leagues upwards, when it becomes broken, and small Ridges Appear for the rest of the Way to Kaskaskies.^ There are many Islands in this distance some of which [are] entirely of Rock ; That called by the French La Tour, which it much resembles, is 6 Leagues below the Kaskaskies River. The distance of this River from the Forks is 31 Leagues. The Mississippi's principal Stream is from 5 to 700 Yards wide, but it is scarcely ever to be seen together, and some small parts are above a Mile distant from one another; The principal Stream likewise often Shifts, and the deep ^ Fort Chartres was on the east bank of the Mississippi about twenty-four miles above the mouth of the Kaskaskia. ^ Kaskaskia River. 471 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Channels also which makes the Pilotage of the River Ex- tremely difficult, and boats often get aground in ascending, chiefly when Endeavoring to avoid the rapid Current. The igth we got in the Morning to the small River of the Kaskaskias 80 Yards Wide at the Mouth, but deep 5 Feet, which it carries up to the Village, and is said to be Navi- gable 50 Leagues farther. A Detachment of i Officer and 30 Men are Quartered here, where We arrived the same Day, distant from the Mouth of the River of that Name 2 Leagues ; The high Grounds mentioned. Skirt along the South side of the Kaskaskias River, come opposite the Vil- lage, and continue along Northerly, in a Chain nearly paralell to the East Bank of the Mississippi, at the Distance from it of 2 to 3 Miles ; This Space between, mostly is Level, Open, and of the richest kind of Soil, in which the Inhabit- ants of the Ilinois raise their Grain etca. The Kaskaskia Village is on the Plain, it consists of 80 houses well built mostly of Stone, with Gardens, and large Lots to Each, whose Inhabitants live generaly well, and some of them have large Stocks of Cattle and Hogs. There was a New Fort begun by the French of Logs, opposite the Village on the rising ground, t'other side the River but entirely Com- manded it. Ens[ign] Hutchins I sent by Water to Compleat the Survey to Fort Chartres ; That I might [see] the Coun- try, I went by Land. The Road to Fort Chartres is along the Plain, passing in some Places near the Chain of Rocky heights above men- tioned ; The distance to the Fort is 18 Miles ; The Road passes thro' the Village of the Kaskaskia Indians of 15 Cabbins, and afterwards thro' a French one Called Prairie de Roche, in which are 14 Families; This last is distant 3 Miles from Fort Chartres ; Between is the Village called Le Etablis- ment, mostly deserted, and the Inhabitants gone to Misere ^ on the bank of the River, a little higher than Kaskaskias. The 20th. Arrived at Fort Chartres, where I found a well ^ Misere, misery, the popular nickname for Ste. Genevieve, on the Missouri side of the Mississippi. 472 JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN HARRY GORDON imagined, and finished Fort of 4 Bastions of Stone Masonry, designed defensible against Musquetry ; The Barracks are also of Masonry, Commodious and Elegant ; This place is large enough to contain 400 Men, but may defend itself with a third of the Number against Indians, if care is taken to mow the Weeds near it, which grow to 10 and 1 1 Feet height and very rank ; It is now in danger of being under- mined by the Mississippi, whose Eastern Border is already within 26 Yards of the point of the S. W. Bastion. The Bank I found Thirty Feet high, Sandy with small gravel (very uncommon Soil for the banks of this river, that are mostly Mud or fat Clay) and perpendicular, so that the crumbling Occasioned by frost, would demolish in a little Time this small Space beforfe] the Bastion. When we took possession of this Fort, the River was above 100 Yards distance, and before that, the French who foresaw its Ap- proach, had Expended much Labour and Money to try to prevent it. They Fascined and piled the Banks, but the torrent soon got Passage behind them ; Had they brought the banks to a large Slope, retired those of a gravelly kind, so as to have an Eddy on them in Flood time, drove a Num- ber of Button Wood Short Stakes in the Slope, which imme- diately take Root, and got together floating Trees, and any- thing Else of that kind the Floods bring down, made those fast at the Point where the Stream divides to come by the Fort, and round the Island opposite to it; This last might have averted the Strength of the Current towards the Western Bank, and by Stopping the Rubbish that comes along with the Floods, have formed a Bar at the Point ; The gravelly Banks would not have resisted the Flood, an Eddy would have laid upon them, nor there have been any Resistance to the Current at Bottom, whose Effect would have thereby been diminished. Upon these principles I gave Instructions to Lieut. Pittman ^ Assistt. Engineer at this ^ Lieutenant, after Captain, Philip Pittman was the author of the book, The Present State of the European Settlements on the Mis- sissippi (London, 1770; repr., Cleveland, 1906), important for its excellent maps. 473 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Post to proceed. The ruin of the Fort was Inevitable next Spring, without doing something, but a part at least may be saved, at a Small Expense, to lodge the Garrison till other Measures are resolved on. The Sickly State of the Troops did not allow of getting any Number to work during my Stay, nor was the Water low Enough or the heats abated to make much work, otherwise Adviseable. M This being the case I proceeded the 28th to view the Country upwards. Our own Boatmen being Sickly and much fatigued, I went by Land, Accompanied with Lieut. Pittman and Ens[ig]n Hutchins, to Kyahokie ^ 45 Miles distant from the Fort, and the uppermost Settlement on our Side. In the Route we pass Le Petit Village 5 Miles from the Fort, a place formerly Inhabited by 12 Familys, now only by one since our Possession. The Abandoned houses are most of them well built and left in good Order, the Grounds are favorable near the Village for Grain, particularly Wheat; and Extensive cleared Land, Sufficient for the labor of 100 to Cultivate. We turn off here to the Eastward, and in 2 Miles come on the high Ground, where We keep on till within 3 Miles of Kyahokia, when We Returned to the Plain to get to that Village. Here are 43 Familys of French who live well, and so might three times the Number, as there is a great Quantity of Arable clear land of the best soil near it ; There is likewise 20 Cabbins tof the] Peiori ^ Indians ^ left here, the rest and best part are moved to the French side, 2 Miles b.elow Pain Court. ^ It is reckoned the Wheat thrives better here than at Kaskaskias, owing probably to it's being more Northerly by almost a Degree. At this Place We Endeavored to hire 3 Men and a Canoe, as we said to View the Missouri, but our Intention was as far as the Ilinois River. We could not prevail by Intreaty or Money to get such a Number, or even a Canoe to go with us. An Invitation came from Mr. St. Ange,* the French ^ Cahokia, near the mouth of Cahokia Creek, and a little below the site of the present East Saint Louis. 2 Peoria. * Saint Louis. * Saint Ange de Bellerive. 474 I JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN HARRY GORDON Commandant in the Ilinois, to go to Pain Court with promise to be Assisted in our progress upwards. We went to Pain Court the joth where we Stayed next day, were civilly treated by Mr. St. Ange, and the other Gentlemen, but thro' a little Jealousy, were disappointed in going Upwards, and returned to Kyahokia the jist in the Evening. The Village of Pain Court is pleasantly Situated on a high ground which forms the West Bank of the Mississippi, it is 3 Miles higher up than Kyahokia, has already 50 Familys Supported Chiefly from thence, and seems to flourish very quick. At this place Mr. Le Chef the prin- cipal Indian Trader resides, who takes so good Measures, that the whole Trade of the Missouri, that of the Mississippi Northwards, and that of the Nations near La Baye,^ Michi- gan, and St. Joseph's, by the Ilinois River is entirely brought to him. He appears to be sensible. Clever, and has been very well Educated ; is very Active, and will give us some trouble before we get the parts of this Trade that belong to us, out of his Hands. We found it Impracticable to go further upwards, with- out waiting for a Boat from the Fort, which would have been a long time a coming, and otherwise might have given Jealousies that would have Occasioned greater Dis- appointment, as Mr. le Clef is readily Served by the In- dians, He has planted within 2 Miles of him : We returned to Fort Chartres the 2d of Septr. by the same Route we came. Some Days were Employed in Visiting and directing Lieut. Pittman in the Work He was to Set about, and Com- posing Instructions regarding his Viewing the Country towards the Ilinois River, and likewise that on the other hand to the Ohio, and the old Post of Massiac. I found Myself no longer usefull at Fort Chartres and returned to Kaskaskias the 6th. The next day viewed the Country round this Village, In order to fix a Situation for the principal Post, in case of the ' Green Bay, Wisconsin. 2H 475 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Demolition of Fort Chartres by the Current of the Mis- j sissippi, which most probably will happen in three Years i time, perhaps in less ; Viewed that part to the Northward \ of the small River, as also along the Bank of the great one ■ upwards to search for a Rising Ground, and a Shelter for j Craft, which now lays at the Village, thro' want of such at ; the Fort; We discovered nothing to purpose. The after- i noon We crossed the small River, and a Foot, with much ; Fatigue, Visited the Situation of the Fort begun by the \ French as mentioned already. We found it a very good one accessible only on the East Side ; the West by which we went up [is] narrow. Steep and Easily defended. It Com- mands the Town, and the River Below, overlooks the plain towards the Mississippi which does not seem 3 Miles across in a Straight line, and has a fair chance of being a healthy Spot, at least an Airy one, as it is high placed, on dry ground, and near good Water. J Our Possession of the Ilinois is only usefull at present In ; one respect, it Shews the Indian Nations our Superiority '^ over the French, to whom, they can thence perceive we give ; Law ; This is dearly bought by the Expence it is to us, and i the Inconvenience of Supporting it. The French carry on i the Trade all round us by Land and by Water ; ist up the s Mississippi, and to the Lakes by the Ouisconsing,^ Foxes,^ ' Chicagou,^ and Ilinois Rivers ; 2dly up the Ohio to the \ Wabash Indians, and even the small Quantity of Skins or ' Furs that the Kaskaskias and Peiori's (who are on our Side) « get by hunting is Carried under our Nose to Misere and I Pain Court. A Garrison at the Ilinois River, and a Post : at La Baye, will partly prevent the first ; and one at Mas- • siac will, as has been said, Stop their Intercourse with the ; People on the Wabash, who consist of Several Nations. J Coop'd up at Fort Chartres only, We make a foolish figure, , hardly have the Dominion of the Country, or as much i Credit with the Inhabitants as induce them to give us » ^ Wisconsin. _ * 2 Fox River of Wisconsin and Fox River of Wisconsin and 1 Illinois. ' Chicago. 476 JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN HARRY GORDON any thing for Money, while our Neighbors have plenty on trust.^ 8th Septr. We were prepared to descend the Mississippi, but that Night I was seized with a Fever, which continued ^ The 15th of July, 1766, General Gage wrote Secretary Con- way : "Advices from the Illinois mention an illicit Trade, whereby French Goods are Smuggled up the Ohio and to the Lakes, and the Peltry of those Countrys carried down the Mississippi to New Orleans ; where Skins and Furs bear a Price of ten Pence Pr Pound higher, than at any British Market. The best Means, Seemingly, to prevent this Trade, carried on by Collusion between some of His Majesty's New Subjects from Canada, Detroit, and other Places, and the French Traders, would be, to pass a Law to Seize and confiscate all Furrs and Skins going down the Ohio below the Ouabache, or down the Ilinois River below the Rock, as well as all Skins and Furrs from the Ilinois Country or above it, which shall be found on the Mississippi below the Mouth of the Ohio, or carrying over to the west Side of the Mississippi. All foreign Goods found on the East Side of Said River, I pre- sume are confiscable. It would be necessary to put such Laws in Force, that Posts should be erected on the most convenient Spots near the Junction of the Ohio and Ilinois Rivers with the Mississippi. It is not easy at present to ascertain whether the Ilinois would answer such Expence ; It is reported from Philar delphia, that the Traders from that Province have sent Goods thither amounting, with Costs of Transportation, to £50,000 but it remains to be informed, what Returns they will get from thence : I would observe however, from the Plan adopted to support and extend the Furr Trade by Means of Forts and Post§ in the Indian Country, that the Ilinois seems from it's Situation the most proper Place to Secure the whole Country Eastward of it to the British Traders, and to prevent the French gaining the Peltry from the Nations inhabiting the Lakes, and other parts of His Majesty's Territorys where fine Furrs are produced. "The last Letters from the Ilinois are of the 28th of April by which I am informed, that a great deal of the Bank between 'Fort Chartres and the River had fallen, and it was apprehended that it would continue falling to the Fort before the End of Sum- mer. From all Accounts the River gains so considerably upon the Banks every year, that Fort Chartres must soon tumble; nor can I find there is any Possibility to prevent it, by means of Facines or Pickets, or taking any other Precautions. The Situa- !tion of the Fort is bad on many Accounts, but the Construction of it the best of any yet built In the Indian Country." 477 kk TRAVELS IX THE AMERICAN COLONIES i "l with Unremitting Violence until the i6th at Night; lyth i being much better, I pursued my Route down the Mississippi ij the i8th tho' but in a weakly state of Bod)'.^ j Lieut. Pittman had made a Plan of the River in coming ;| up, which upon Examining We found to be Exacter than ij an)^hing We could do, in tumbling down this rapid Torrent, j We therefore Continued to descend the River until we came i to the Natches. To give an Idea of the Mississippi at this \ Season when the Water is low, One must suppose a large ! hollow in which You are, and a low Country into which You \ must descend. Where you are, on one side, is a Bank from \ 25 to 30 Feet high, where very often, you see and hear great ■ Pieces of Mud or Clay, on which are growing Trees, tum- : bling into the Torrent ; Round You is the Stream from 3 to 5 : Knots an Hour in which are huge Trees in the Current, fast to the Bottom, but bent by the impetuous Stream, ' and some of them only bobbing up their heads, when their I own Elasticity gets the better of the Strength with which I the Water bends them down ; On the other hand is a large I Beach of Mud, Spread over some times with Sand, in which : one or more Spots are seen covered with Trees ; Before | You is a quick descent of Country appearing much under j You. This You see divided sometimes with Sandy Beaches j and at others with Streams of Water interspersed with a i Thousand Logs, and thro' which to direct your Course, is a ■ very great uncertainty. When you Land, and with much i difficulty Scramble up the Banks of falling Mud, You find 1 traces of the Floods and Stuff that hinders your going far, i or You find yourself on Muddy Sands, where you may wan- i der among Pieces of broken Land for a Mile at least, with- 1 out reaching the firm ground, indeed it has little Title to be ' ^ For a letter by Croghan dated at Fort Chartres, Sept. loth, ^ 1766, and giving an account of his conference with the Indians at that place, see Hanna, \'ol. II, pp. 49 and 50. Regarding himself I Croghan wrote : "I have been so ill this fortnight past that I have ' not been able to write. . . . As I am so reduced in Sickness, I shall be obliged to go round by New Orleans, as I'm not able to ride a Cross the Country to Fort Pitt." 478 JOURNAL OF CAPT.\IN H-\RRY GORDON called so anywhere to the Westward, as there is no height to be seen nor any sort of Soil to tread on but Soft Mud, or among canes. On the Eastern bank there are the fol- lowing high Lands after we passed the Ohio and before we reached the Natchez. Vizt. Mine au Fer,^ those on Arta- guet and Margot Rivers, that on the Yazous ^ ; The Small and great Gulf where Stone is to be seen ^ : These are the only habitable Grounds above the Natchez. It may be thought next to Impossible to Navigate against this Stream, yet Such is the force of Oars, that large Boats of 20 Tons are brought by them to the Ilinois in 70 Odd days, which is in some parts 500 Leagues by Water from New Orleans, when the River is low. At that Season there are many large Bends, along the inward side of these, the Boats get on as there the Current is not at all strong ; when the River is high and [has] Overflowed it's Banks, the distance is lessened, and the Water does not run with such Rapidity as when lower and Narrower. In those high times there must be Tracks of Country Thirty Miles wide, overflowed. Those Boats go to the Ilinois twice a Year, and are not half loaded in their Return. Was there any produce there worth Sending to Market, they could fetch it at no great Cost. They bring however Lead, the produce of a Mine on the French Side ; but it comes in but small Quantitys, they have not Skill in working of it, neither have sufficient Numbers of hands to carry it on. The Boats in time of Floods, which happen only in May and June, go down to New Orleans from the Ilinois in 14 or 16 Days. The 6th October We visited the Fort at the Natchez, a Detachment of Sixty Men of the 2 1st Regimt, had come up to this Place Six Days before. They found the Fort in a re- pairable State ; The Parapet made of Cypress hewn Timber, ^ Near the present site of Memphis. The Riviere a Margot was either the Nonaconnah River or Indian Creek, or, if some old maps are to be trusted, the Coldwater then running northward into the Mississippi. ^ Yazoo. 3 The " Petit Gouffre " was near Rodney in Jefferson County, Mississippi ; the other at Grand Gulf in Claiborne County. 479 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES was only deficient in one Side of Five, which is it's Figure ;^ Several of the Walls of the Houses and some of the Roofs were Entire, and the Bridge tho' not very sound, Served by being a little supported. It was lucky this condition was such, had it been otherwise, the want of either Artifices, Ma- terials, or Tools, would have put the Detachment to great Inconvenience. The Situation of this Place is high and Pleas- ant, Commanding a Prospect of a very large and handsome Country, in many Places Cleared', diversified with gentle ris- i ings, which are covered with Grass, and other Herbs of a j fine Verdure. It is f of a Mile from the River, and cannot | Command the Craft that lays under the Bank, a lookout for | a Serjeants or Corporals Guard must be built for that Purpose. , The Natchez was among the first Settled Spots in Louisi- ' ana ; The Soil is good on the highest Grounds, black and | light, and properly Exposed for the growth of the Vine. ■ Indigo will prosper on the flat Parts, or even on the ridges ,i for some time ; The Number of Mulberries, and the Climate ji are favorable for Silk, and Tobacco would be a mere Drug I there. The Place from the goodness of the Water, and Soil, ( must have good Air. It is in Latitude 32° 25', yet the \ Winters Cold is Considerable. The Distance from New i Orleans is 94 Leagues, and 50 of them above their highest ! Settlement at Point Coupee,^ (the few Banditti at Arkansas, i don't deserve the name of Settlement) which most probably will be the highest for many Years. This is a proper dis- i tance to Attack from, but not Easily to be Attacked up such j a Stream. The common Communication to the Natchez ! is up the Mississippi, but it may be supported down the Ohio, and a Force sent from thence, that will be truly formidable to our Neighbors below; Such is the Natchez. ^ It's only Disadvantage is a Port to the Sea, the free Navi- ■ gation of the Mississippi is a Joke, no Vessel will come to j Ibbeville^ from Sea, it was once done and found merely \ 1 Pointe Coupee was, and is, on the west bank of the Mississippi, i a few miles below the mouth of Red River. j ^ I.e. no vessel will come up the Mississippi to the mouth of : the Iberville. . v 480 jj JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN HARRY GORDON Possible at the King's Expence. Neither is there any Restriction by the Treaty from Building what Forts they Please at the Bar or on the River, as will certainly be done when the Spaniards get the Dominion.^ In time of War they probably will make use of these Forts to keep us out of the Mississippi, which may be possible to do, as Vessels must Warp up to New Orleans. The 8th We passed the River Rouge,^ 50 Leagues up it the French have a Fort at Natchitoche. The Spanish Governor ^ went up to Visit this Post, as it is the nearest Place to Mexico, and not very distant from the out Posts of the Spaniards. The gth We went a Shore on the French Settlement of Point Coupee. It Consists of 1 10 Families, who live much at Ease ; Their produce is at present only Tobacco and Corn, they likewise cut Some Lumber. They are not Strong Enough in Negroes to Attempt making Indigo, which is the only Reason they don't, Their Situation is low, and [they] are obliged to have Levee's of Earth to keep off the Floods : These People are much displeased at the Approach of Spanish Government. There is here a small ruinous Stockade Fort with i Officer and 10 Men in it. The loth in the Morning we Visited Fort Bute ^ which is 12 Leagues below Point Coupee; This is a Square with half Bastions (they had better been whole ones) of bad Stock- ^ Though Louisiana was assigned to Spain by the treaties of 1763, Spanish occupation of Louisiana did not begin till March 1766, when a governor arrived, but without power to rule. 2 Red River. ^ Don Antonio de UUoa, who, though without power to rule, went about at once upon a general inspection of posts. * Fort Bute was at the junction of the Mississippi and the Iberville, the latter being an overflow stream of the Mississippi and connecting it in time of high water with Amite River and Lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain. At other seasons goods were carried from the Amite to Fort Bute along the path follow- ing the winding course of the Iberville, a distance of ten or twelve miles. There was at this time a project for connecting the Mis- sissippi with the Amite by a canal twelve feet in both width and depth. 481 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES | ades. There are Huts In the inside for Officers and Men, for lOO in Number. The Intention of this Post is to cover our Communication to the Mississippi by Ponchartrain and Maurepas Lakes, and thro' the Gully or Ditch of the Ibbeville, when there is any Water in it which is only the case, when the Floods come down the river. The Bed of this was now 24 Feet under that of the Ibbeville. We Endeavored to View the clearing of this last, but were only J able to go along it for 3 Miles, on account of the Rankness of the Weeds, thro' which there is no Path. The Bottom of the Ditch in that Space was pretty clear, only some Logs cut up, that are not cleared away. Had there been any Craft at the other End, I would have Endeavored to pene- trate to it, and Viewed the Obstructions between the Amit,^ and Lake Maurepas. Those are now the principal, and by Mr. Robertson Engineer's Report of them, they will require a great deal of Labor to remove ; It is now to deter- mine, whether that is to be done, or continue at the option of the French or Spaniards, for our Communication by Boats up the Mississippi ; while they indulge us, they make us Pay for it, as I fancy the Expence of Our Equipments at New Orleans will Confirm. The isth we were within 2 Miles of New Orleans, we did not make this Day above 10 Miles, with all our Strength of Oars, of which we rowed 8, our People having mostly recovered, so Strong the Easterly Wind blew. The Colony of New Orleans is inhabited 20 Leagues above the Town on each Side the River, which is to within 10 Leagues of the Ibbeville. A little below this last place, the Mississippi Stream is less Rapid, the River Widens, the Banks are lower, and the whole appears more pleasant. The upper Settlers of the Colony are just Planted, consisting of Poor Acadlans for the most part. But 40 Miles above the Town, You See well Built Houses, many Negroes, and Several Indigo Works in good Order. Of this last there is a Quantity made, and is Reckoned good of it's kind. The Plantations continue 1 Amite. 482 .«tij.- JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN HARRY GORDON well Improved towards the Town, whither We arrived the 14th in the Morning. There are no Nations of Indians below the Ilinois on the Mississippi, 'till You come to the Arkansas, they live up the Branches of the Arkansa River near the French Post, which is Half way to New Orleans. They consist of 150 Men. The Mississippi in Floods runs round the Island formed by the two Branches of this River. The Next Nation of Indians, is the Tonicas ^ below the Natchez, a small Nation of about 30 Men ; Then the Oumas 2 and Alibamous of about 150 both: The last has settled here lately, having withdrawn from the River of that Name, when we took Possession of West Florida. Neither the French nor Spanish Governor were in Town ; ^ The great aversion the Inhabitants had Shewed to be under the Spanish Dominion, and their Remonstrances against the Ordinances he Published, had Chagrined him so much, as to be the principal Reason of his Stay so long at the Balise.'* New Orleans is but a small Town, not many good Houses in it, but in general healthy and the Inhabitants well looked ; It's principal Staple is the Trade for Furrs and Skins from the Ilinois, their want of Negroes keep back the Indigo making : They have Attempted Sugar, and there are now Five Plantations that produce it, but they do not make it turn out to great Account. There is only a Stockade round the Place with a large Banquet, their Dependance for the Defence is the Difficulty of Approach, that up the River is tedious and easily opposed, particularly at the Detour d'Anglois, and there is only 12 Feet Water on the Bar. The Military Force at this Place is at present Small, not above eighty Spaniards remain of those brought with their Governor; He, it was said. Expected 1000 Men, 300 of which would be Sent to the Ilinois, whether that Reinforce- ment was to Come from Old Spain or the Havannah, I could not learn with Certainty. ^ Tunica. 2 Huma Indians. ^ The French governor was the Sieur d'Aubry. * Balize, at the bar near the mouth of the Mississippi. 483 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Our Boat and Baggage being carried to the Bayoue de St. Jean,^ for which we Paid 20 Dollars for the Boat alone, and is only 2 Miles distance ; We left New Orleans the i^th in the Evening, and lay that night at the Bayoue. To this Place the Trade from Mobile comes,^ and all manner of Smugling : There are Three Schooners, constantly ply[ingl between the East Side of Lake Ponchartrain, and here, Employed in bringing Tar. There is a good Harbour for Craft here. The i6th in the Afternoon We went along the Bayoue, which is 2 Leagues long, and only Twenty Five Feet wide in many Places ; It is deep enough but the Windings are so Short sometimes, that a Schooner has Difficulty to turn; The Grounds on Each side were under Water Except in three or four Places where Rice had been cut off, and in general the Country is Overflowed, between Lake Ponchar- train and the Mississippi, to within 2 Miles of the last; this particularly in high Easterly Winds, which was now the cause of the Waters Height. At Dusk we passed the Blockhouse at the Opening into Lake Ponchartrain, in which was a Serjeant and 12 Men, French and Spaniards, and some small Cannon Mounted; We continued Rowing till II o'clock and rested. Next Day by Noon we were across the Lake, the Wind in our Teeth. That afternoon we went down the Regolets which is the Communication between the Lake and the Sea ; It is 2^ Leagues long and deep from 4 to 5 Fathom. In Crossing the Lake, We saw several Smokes on the East Side, which we were told by our Pilot was as many Tar Kilns ; Part of the Produce we saw un- loading at the Bayoue ; We continued Coasting along until the 2^th when we reached Isle Dauphine, the Wind con- trary the whole Way ; We Landed several Times, but were always carried or went in a Canoe, the Coast being so flat as seldom to permit Our Boat that only drew 27 Inches of ^ Bayou of Saint John. 2 This trade route passed along the Gulf Coast, up the channel to Lake Pontchartrain, and across that lake to the Bayou of Saint John. 484 JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN HARRY GORDON Water to come near the Shore, one Place Excepted, which was during the Storm on the 22d when the Ferret a little way without us lost her Masts : We Landed several Times, and Saw the Shore the whole way, it is covered with Pines, and in general barren Land, but good for Pasturage. The few Inhabitants being only Six on this Tract of Country, that is near lOO Miles in Length, have Numbers of Black Cattle ; Any Quantity of Tar or Turpentine may be easily made; One Crips, employs a dozen of Negroes on this Commodity, which he sends to New Orleans, to a good account. There are a Number of Cattle on Isle Dauphine, the only Stock [that] can live on it, its Soil is like that of the Coast already described. The 26th. We Entered Mobile Bay and got to the Fort the 28th which is 160 Miles Distance from New Orleans ; The Soil on the West Side the Bay, is better than that on the Coast, it will fetch Corn and Cotton, Garden Stuff and Excellent Pasturage. An Inhabitant called Rochon, has by Repute above 1000 Head of black Cattle, he has likewise a Number of Negroes, who he chuses chiefly to Employ on the Tar and Lumber Way. There are Several good Houses near the Fort at Mobile ; This is a Square with 4 Bastions, built of Brick in the Way of Revetment, with a Counterscarp of Brick and Glacis ; The Barracks in the Fort are so low, that they are deprived of air, and are mere Ovens in the Summer time, from the Reflexion of the Sun. 60 Men will defend the Fort against Indians ; The Navigation up the Bay, Ten Leagues long, is not to be attempted by Strangers, and it is only capable of Receiving Small Sloops ; There are a great many King's Houses outside the Fort, that will be of but little Use, if a larger Garrison than the above is not kept there; Two Rivers run into the Bay from the Chactaw Countries, but I am informed most of the Trade of that Nation is carried by French Traders across Lake Ponchartrain, and up the Bayoue to New Orleans. The joth. Sailed for Pensacola, whither we arrived only the 4th of November, altho' the Distance is but 13 Leagues 48s TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES between the Bars ; I should have gone much sooner in my Boat that I left at Mobile. We carried 3I Fathom over the Bar. Pensacola Bay is a very good Roadsted, yet 2 Brigs, and 4 Schooners and Sloops, were drove from their Anchors and Wrecked, [in] the Storm of 22d last Month, altho' the Height of the Gale [was] off the Nighest Shore. On Entring the Fort I was Astonished to see the poor Huts that are in it ; but much more so when viewing the Condition of them, and that of the Poor Soldiers who in- habit here. Their Barracks are covered with Bark on the Sides and Roof, which naturely Shrivels in a short time by the heat of the Sun, which was the case now. The Firma- ment appeared thro' the Top and on all sides. The Men were walking About like Ghosts on a damp Sandy Floor, that is near a Foot under the Level. They were repairing the Roofs, but this has been the Bane of Cost, and but a short Time serving as a Cover never to keep out the Rain from those large Buildings ; Some of the Officers Huts were Similar, only the difference of a few Boards laid over the sand to tread on, others of the Officers were well enough Lodged, but this the fewest part ; The Hospital has only the distinction of always being first Covered, and the Pro- vision Stores that of being the last. The Destruction of the best Regiments is thus accounted for, without the Climate, which yet I am apt to believe also does its Part. ■^ It is high Time to fix the Necessary Garrison for this place, and as soon as that is done, to Erect proper Barracks for them. The Rooms should be raised at least 1; Feet .. above the Ground, there will be more and better Air, and / I am Convinced be Healthier. In the furnishing of them, ^|; Attention Should be had In those Parts to prevent the Men f, from being Tormented in their Beds by the Muskitos, being I open to them as they now are. Exposes them like the Beasts :; of the Field, to the Sting of these Venomous Insect or Fly, ^t only there is not so many out of Doors, as Inside, nor do the k Beasts Eat Salt Meat, as the Soldiers are obliged to live . on, and therefore not so much Inflamed by their Poison, 486 JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN HARRY GORDON The underparts of the Barracks, may serve for Stores of Different kinds. After this it ought to be considered in what manner the whole is to be inclosed ; The Stockades round it at present, are and will be, totally rotten by next Year. While We remained here I viewed along with Brigadier Taylor,^ the Country adjoining the Town, in order to fix on proper Situations for 3 Blockhouses demanded by the Governor, for the Protection of the Town from the Creek Indians ; These were accordingly fixed, and as the Situation of 2 of them will probably be Healthy, if Executed, They will be Convenient for Hospitals, when the Creek Alarm passes. Having given the Acting Brigadier all the Intelligence demanded of me, and taken the proper Inspection and In- formations at this Place, and a Vessel being ready to sail, that was to touch at the Havannah, [St.] Augustine, and Georgia, with the Approbation of the Brigadier Mr. Hutchins and I Embarked the 12th. The lyth in the Morning we were off the Havannah, but the Wind blowing fresh at N. N. W. we could not land with our Boat, and the Master of the Vessel having been threatened to be fired into, from the Moro,^ the last Time he was at the Place a few Months ago, would not go in with the Vessel This Day we were off and on Sometimes within f of a Mile of the Moro I could Discover very plainly the ground of the Cavannas, and all that from the Moro, to where our Encampment was, that the Artillery and Stores were Landed at. The Moro itself is Compleatly repaired, several Case- mated Cannon added towards the Sea. The Piece of Rock by favor of which the Assault was given ^ is blown level with the Bottom of the Ditch. The Counterscarp and Covered Way in good order, and considerably Raised ; and a Re- ^ Colonel William Taylor was acting brigadier-general in charge of the southern department. ^ Morro Castle. ^ The reference is to the action of July 30, 1762, in which the British regular and colonial troops, then besieging Havana, took the Morro Castle by storm. 487 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES doubt as before, in the Point towards the Sea with 4 Em- brasures ; A Counter guard or Fleche now making before the left, or Bastion next the Town. There is a very large Work Erected on the Cavannas, which by the Gentry places on the Angles, I take to be a Horn Work, with a double Branch towards the Ground before the Moro. This Work is very nigh Gompleat ; The Bastions of the Town are raised Considerable, and a large New Work raised on Mount Jesus, the Form of which being at a greater Distance, I could not Ascertain. The Punto and North Gates are Compleatly repaired. The 28th, 2Qth, and part of the joth in the Latitude of Augustine, but the Wind did not permit us to Visit that Garrison, of likewise a Battalion ; which altho' not in His Excellency's Instructions, should gladly have seen. Prob- ably such a Dimunition of Numbers may Safely be made of Troops and Staff in these Floridas, as will defray the Ex- pence of Accommodating them that Remain. The 30th being very Short of Provisions, and the Wind just permitting to lay a Course for Charlestown, we steered for that Place, whither we arrived with some Difficulty the 6th December. A TABLE SHOWING THE DISTANCES OF THE REMARKABLE PLACES ON THE OHIO, AND MISSISSIPPI RIVERS Miles Miles From Fort Pitt to Logs From Fort Chartres,to Cas- Town .... i8i casquia River 24 Big Beaver Creek 29i Ohio 1 142 Little . . Do. . . 42 Mine au Fer 1 29 J Yellow Creek . . 52 River Dartaguet 236i Mingo Town . . 7ih River Margot . 3 oof Long Reach . . I23i River St. Francois 37ii End of Do. . . . 138 River Arcansas 479* Muskingum River 161 River Yazous . 637i Little Kanhawa River 172J Grand Gouffie . 684 Hockhoking River , . 186 The Natches 729 Big Kanhawa River . . 266i Au Roche D' Avion 772§ Guyandot River . , . 308 River Rouge 783 Big Sandy Creek . - 321 Center ofTonicas' V^illage 8ii| 488 JOURNAL OF CAPTAIN HARRY GORDON A TABLE SHOWING THE DISTANCES OF THE REMARKABLE PLACES ON THE OHIO, AND MISSISSIPPI RIVERS (Continued) From Fort Pitt to Scioto River Big BufFaloe Lick Little Mineami River Licking Creek . . . Great Mineami River Where Elephants Bones are Kentucke River . . The Falls .... Beginning of the low Country .... Large River on East Side Ouabache River . . Big Rock .... Shawanoe River . . Cherokee River Fort Massiac . . . Mouth of Ohio . . Miles 366 390 492i Sooi 527 S6oi 604 682 83 7i 9021 999i 1042 1094! 1107I Iii8f 1 164 From Fort Chartres to Be- ginning of Settlement of Point Coupee . . The Fort End of the Settlement Center of les ecors du lait River Ibbeville . . . Village of the Oumas Beginning of German Set tlements .... The Fort .... End of Settlements New Orleans . . , Miles 813 828 832I 835i 867 903 T 9i8i 93 oi 941 963 1 [Signed] Harry Gordon. Endorsed Captn Gordons Journal 1766 In Majr Genl Gage's (No. 5) of the 22d Febry 1767. 489 J . . JOURNAL OF DAVID TAITT'S TRAVELS FROM PENSACOLA, WEST FLORIDA, TO AND THROUGH THE COUNTRY OF THE UPPER AND THE LOWER CREEKS, 1772 i , V 'i INTRODUCTION Captain John Stuart, Superintendent of Indian affairs for the Southern District from 1762 to the close of the Colonial era, experienced in that office some of his greatest difficulties with the Creek Indians. The traders had pro- moted drunkenness and insolence among them. They were habitually at war with the Choctaws. They were frequently robbing and murdering white people. They resorted to Pensacola in great numbers for provisions and other presents. In November, 1771, Captain Stuart, with the advice of Governor Peter Chester of West Florida, attempted to negotiate with the chiefs of the nation for a strip of land extending thirty-five miles up the Scambia River and four miles back on each side, the alleged purpose being the growing of rice and corn where it could be purchased for the Indians at reduced prices. But the chiefs who came to Pensacola in response to summons for this purpose alleged upon their arrival that they were ''without authority to transact the business they came upon." To bring the Creeks to a willingness to cede that land, to promote peaceful relations among the Indians and be- tween the Indians and whites, and to inquire into the rela- tions between the Creeks and the Spaniards, Stuart sent David Taitt on the mission of which his journal is an account. In a letter to Hillsborough, dated Jan. 6, 1772, regarding 1 these affairs Stuart added : "As Taitt is a good surveyor and a man of prudence, he will answer the purpose of observing I the disposition of the Indians and obtaining some knowl- edge of their intrigues with the Spaniards and the western tribes as well as giving a more perfect idea of the geography of the country in which all the printed maps are shamefully defective." 493 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES After Taitt's return Stuart wrote to Hillsborough, June | 13, 1772 : "The Upper Creeks in a general meeting refused ] to cede the lands which was asked of them upon the River ; Scambia, which Mr. Taitt attributes to the machinations i of the traders, who grossly insulted him in the presence of \ all the Indian chiefs upon a supposition that he was to i oppose the cession of land in their favor. Indeed the most \ dangerous consequences may be justly apprehended from \ their licentious behaviour." The 19th of July he wrote { again to Hillsborough: "I . . . submit to your Lordship] Mr. Taitt's journal of his journey through and proceedings i in the Upper and Lower Nations as well as copies of his ; letters to me from thence ; by which the licentious behavior 1 of the traders as well as the temper of the Indians will I appear to your Lordship. In the present situation of affairs 1 I think it necessary to send Mr. Taitt again to the nation. < His presence will be some restraint upon the white people 1 there and by this means the necessary information relating i to the views and machinations of the Indians can be ob- < tained." Taitt continued to serve as Stuart's deputy and in Octo- « ber, 1772, the Governor and Council of Georgia appointed : him a justice of the peace in the Creek country to preserve ( order among the traders and other white persons and to ( report all persons trading with the Indians without a license, j During the War of Independence Commissioners of the | Continental Congress urged the Creeks to turn out Taitt, C telling them he had done nothing but create disturbances; among them, but Taitt kept the Creeks loyal to the British I and led them in arms against the Americans. In 1777 he was engaged in litigation for the recovery of losses sustained in taking up seven negro slaves in the Creek country who had escaped from their masters in Georgia. An original copy of his journal is preserved in the Public Record Office, London: C. O. 5, 73, pp. 551-617, and a I transcript of this is in the Library of Congress. jj 494 INTRODUCTION Instructions to Air. David Taiti Mobile 20 January 1772. I think it necessary for the Good of His Majestys Service in the Department entrusted to my Management to be very attentive to the Transactions of the Upper and Lower Creek Indians ; particularly as I have received Credible Information, that Messengers have lately been in said Nations from the Great Western Confederacy of whose Business it is of importance to the Public Tranquility of the Southern Provinces, that I do endeavour to learn and acquire full Information. I therefore have determined to send you as a person well qualified and in whom I repose full Confidence, and you are to proceed as soon as possible with the Inclosed Letters to the Chiefs of the Tallipousses, Abekas, and Alibamons to the Upper Creek Nation and at your arrival in any of the Villages of said Nation you will apply to Mr. Joseph Cornal the King's Interpreter for said District who will be aiding and assisting to you in Conveen- ing the Chiefs and Headmen together at some Convenient Place to whom you will Cause my Talks or Letters to be read and Interpreted, and you will Carefully and particu- larly take down in writing their Answers as well as any other Message or Talk they may have to send me. You will by all prudent and proper Means without excit- ing the Jealousy of the Indians Endeavour to Learn the Business of the Northern Messengers as well as their dis- position towards us and any Connection they may have formed or be about to form with any other Nation of In- dians. You will in a Particular Manner address Yourself to Emistisiguo and the Second Man of the Little Tallassieis upon your arrival in The Nation, whose Advice and Coun- tenance will be of great service to you. After having delivered the Letters and Talks, and made the Enquiries Recommended, You will proceed to the Coweta Town, and after summoning all the principal Chiefs, You [wi]ll Explain to them the Letters for them which 49S il TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES you Receive Herewith, and Endeavor in all your Power to Promote the Business therein Recommended. As I have Received Information that there has been for some time past an Intercourse and Correspondence between the Lower Creeks and Spaniards, at the Havannah you are to use every prudent means possible to acquire Information of this Correspondence and the Views of the Spaniards and | Indians and for this Purpose you will apply to Captain | Aleck Great Medal Chief, Talleache also Great Medal j Chief and the Pumpkin King. | You are, if it is possible to be Effected without giving 1 Umbrage or Raising Jealousy in the Indians, [to] Ride thro' all | the Indian Villages of the Upper as well as the Lower Creek | Nation, and take particular Notice of their Situation and | make such observations as may enable you to draw a Plan j of the Country and of the Rivers etca. You will take par- | ticular Notice of the Behavior of the Traders and their Method of Traffick and upon the whole be Particular in j every usefuU Observation of all which keep a Diary or i Journal to be delivered to me when the Service you are | going upon shall be performed. After you have executed the above Instructions you will proceed to Charlestown and Report to me which I expect will be in the Month of May next, and you will be allowed 1| after the Rate of Fifteen Shilling's sterling p[er] day for your | Trouble and all Expences. ; You will be very Particular in your Remarks upon the 'j Rivers the Depths and Courses and the distances of the :! Roads and every Information which may enable you to lay i down the situation of the Country of the Villages and of l| the Roads, you shall Travel as well from Pensacola to the Nation as from thence to Charlestown. If Mr. Cornall be necessarily Employed and prevented from accompanying you to the Lower Creeks, you must apply to Some Able Person to undertake that Service in Case Stephen Forrest should not be upon the Spot and you will agree with such Person for a Certain Sum for which you will give an Order upon me. [No signature.] 496 JOURNAL OF DAVID TAITT'S TRAVELS FROM PENSACOLA, WEST FLORIDA, TO AND THROUGH THE COUNTRY OF THE UPPER AND THE LOWER CREEKS, 1772 Janry joth 1772. I left Pensacola about five OClock this afternoon and went to the six mile Creek, where a Mr. Cameron and two hirelings (who came to Pensacola with Mr. Joseph Cornal his Majestys Interpretor for the Upper Creeks) were Encamped, about 12 Mr. Cornal came out of Pensacola and rested at this place all Night. Janry Jist. I sett out this Morning in Company with the four persons before mentioned to the dividing paths going to Mobile and the Upper Creek Nation, and from thence took the bearings and distance of the Creek path which runs mostly North and by West along the south side of the Conica or Scambia ^ River, in the Evening we Encamped at a Cane branch about 26 Miles from Pensacola. Fehry ist. I sett out this Morning four minutes before Eight and took the Course and distance of the path untill ^ past two when we Encamped at a Cane branch, we travelled about Nineteen Miles this Day mostly North west and by west Crossing Several little runs and bogey branch's of the Scambia River ; about seven OClock at night it began to rain and Continued to rain very hard all night. Fehry 2d. We set out this morning fourteen minutes after Eight and Continued our Course NW b[y] W about Eight miles, and then NNE Nine Miles and Sixty Eight Chains further, Crosing severall small Creeks and bogey runs, which fall into Scambia River, it Continued raining all this Day. ^ The Escambia of Florida and the Conecuh of Alabama. 497 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Fehry jd. This morning we had some snow and a very- hard frost, we set out Seven minutes after Eight and Ar- rived at the little Scambia ^ or Weoka Twenty minutes past ten being six miles and sixty Chains NE from last Camp ; the River was greatly swelled with the rains that fell the two preceeding days, which Obliged the people to Carry over the baggage and provision[s] on their backs ; walking on a logg that lay three feet under water and aCross the Channells of the River. The River is divided into 2 Channells by a small Island about fifty yards Long and thirty yards broad, each Channell being forty feet broad, and Six feet and a half water in them at this time ; but in dry Seasons the river is fordable at the South East End of the Island ; on Each Side this River is a low Swampy thicket allmost two hundred yards broad and very difficult to pass through in wet weather, after Crossing the River we Travelled about f mile N b[y] W to a little run where we Encamped about half past one and in the Evening Mr. Cornel Shote a Large buck, the Land from Pensacola to this place is all a pine barren, and in Severall places a brown Gravley Soil, With a number of little Creeks and Cane branches which cross the path and fall into the River Scambia. Febry 4th. We set out this Morning twenty Minutes past nine, the Horses having strayed off in the Night de- tained us latter than usual, we went along the path NNE one mile and a Quarter, where we came up with Mr. Cornall who went off before us and had Shote another buck ; here we Stoped at the side of a run (being the same where we were Encamped last night) to Dry the venison and wait for an Observation which I took at twelve OClock and found to be in Latitude 31° 14 minutes North; being 43 miles to the Northward of Pensacola Answering to 49! English Statue miles, we stayed at this place all night. Febry ^th. We sett out this morning two Minutes after Eight and took the Course and distance of the path untill fourteen minutes past two when we Encamped at a Cane ^ Now the Escambia of Alabama. 498 JOURNAL OF DAVID TAITT branch Runing NW b[y] W into Weoka or Little Scambia. We went this Day mostly North and be ^ East i8 miles along a Ridge between the branches of the Weoka and Scambia River. This Day Mr. Cornall shote two young bucks and brought the Ranches to Camp leaving the body in the woods. Febry 6th. We set out this Morning Nine Minutes past Eight and Travelled till Twenty Nine Minutes past three mostly NNE Twenty three Miles Twenty Chains, to a Cane branch Runing NW b[y] N into Coosa River, This Day we passed through some Oak and Hickory Land of a Light Sandy Soil ; In the Evening Mr. Cornall shot a Turkey hen and brought to Camp. Febry yth. We sett out this Morning fifteen Minutes past Eight and Travelled Mostly NNE Twenty one Miles and a half to a small branch of Coosa River ; where we Encamped in a strong Clay ground having very little mould on its surface. The path in this Days March is on a Ridge between the branches of Scambia and Coosa ^ Rivers, and mostley thro a pine barren. Febry 8th. We set out this Morning a quarter before Eight and Travelled North East Twenty Eight Miles, and three Quarters between the branches of Coosa and Scambia Rivers and mostley Pine Barren. Febry gth. Last Night three horses strayed off and Could not be found till Eleven OClock this forenoon ; when I sent off the packhorses, but stayed with Mr. Cornall and Observed in Latitude 31 degrees 54 Minutes North. I then set out and Travelled NE near Twelve miles to a hill where a hurricane has broke down and blown up by the Roots, great Numbers of Large Oak Trees ; for the disstance of a mile and a half in a strong Clay ground. We Travelled on, Six miles further, NE to a small run, going into a branch of Coosa River. About a mile from last Camp we left the pine barren ; and four miles from this Crosed the last ^By. ^ Now the Alabama up to the junction of the Coosa and Talla- poosa. 499 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES branch of Scambia which this path Crosses ; the ground here is of a very Strong Red Clay having about three Inches of black Mould on its Surface. Febry loth. We set out this Morning ten Minutes be- fore Eight, and went NNE Thirteen miles and a Quarter to a riseing ground Clear of Trees or brush wood, for the disstance of J mile in length, from East to West, and half a Quarter from North to South. Here I Observed in Lati- tude 32 Degrees 3 minutes North, after taking this Obser- vation I went about NE b[y] E Eight miles to a Large Creek ' forty feet broad and Nine feet two Inches deep ; runing NNW into Coosa River; here we were obliged to Unpack the Horses and Swime them over; we walked upon a Log that lay aCross the Creek, and then went NE b[y] N Three miles and a half to another Large Creek 30 feet broad and Nine feet Deep, runing NNE into Coosa River; we were Obliged to Swime our horses here also, one of the Pack- horsemen fell from the Log Laying aCross the River and lost two Kegs of Rum which he was Carrying on his Shoulder ; but was taken out himself by another man who went to his assistance, we Encamped on the North East side of the Creek in a Large Cane Swamp and Continued here all this night. Fehry nth. The Creek having fell Considerabley since last night the man went in Search of his Rum and found it (about J mile from the place it was Lost) hanging to a Raft of Wood under water, we then went on our Journey NNE about Eleven Miles to a Large Creek Called Cathoma Runing WNW into Coosa River, and is about 50 feet broad and fifteen feet Deep at present, but is fordable in Dry Seasons, between this Creek and last Camp we passed thro several little Savannahs entirely Clear of Trees or under- wood in the Middle, and Surrounded with rows of trees between Each Savannah making a very pleasant prospects for a Considerable distance and appearing more like the works of Art than of Nature, about a mile from Cathoma ^ Big Swamp Creek. 500 JOURNAL OF DAVID TAITT Creek, on the South west side of it, we met some Shawnees, and one McFall a Virginia man, going out to hunt Deer. We went NNE about six miles further to the side of a Clear Savannah where we Encamped all this Night. Mr. Cornall the Interpreter having got Drunk with the Indians which we met set out for the Nation by himself and left us with- out any guide. Febry 12th. I sett out this morning with the three people that remained with me, and went mostley NNE Thirteen Miles to the Coolamie Old Town ^ on the south side of the Tallapuse River. It was with a good deal of difficulty that we Could find out the proper fording place, as the River was Considerably Swelled with the late rains, and over- flowed several places where the principal path Croses. We however at last arrived at a James Germanys plantation whoes Negroes Carryed over my baggage etca. in a Canoe and Swame the Horses over the Tallapuse River which is about 200 yards aCross and about Twenty feet Deep at this time but is fordable in the Summer Season ; after geting every thing over, I set out for the Tuckabatchie Town,^ about 16 miles North from this and on the North West side of the same River, and arrived there at ten OClock at Night. Tuckabatchie ijth Febry 1772. I went this Day and viewed this Town which Stands upon a point of Land on the North west side of the River, the Town, or village is Scattered along the banks of the River for the space of three Miles round Each side of the point; which is from J to 2 miles broad and nearley Cut off from the main by a Creek Called Wallhatchie which falls into the Tallapuse River about two miles and a half ^ Kulumi, an Upper Creek town on the south bank of the Tallapoosa River, about ten miles northeast of the present city of Montgomery, Alabama. ^ TuckabatchI, on the Tallapoosa River between the present town of Tallassee and the mouth of Wallahatchee Creek. SOI TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES below the point. The Land here is in Several places Sixty feet above the Common Surface of the River, but was Overflowed about two years ago and did Considerable damage to several villages and plantations. On the sides of this River the soil is of a Dark brown Colour, and pro- duces Indian Corn Extreemly well ; and would answer for any kind of European Grain ; in the Spring all the fields are Covered over with Strawberries and wild Onions but the good Lands do not Extend above two miles back from the side of the River in any place Excepting at some par- ticular points; in this Town are about I20 Gun men and two Traders. On the South East side of the River round the point of Tuckabatchie stands the great Tallassie Village which formerly Contained about one hundred men but now not above thirty the rest having settled two other villages one at the distance of Eight the other Twenty five miles from the Tallassies. Tuckabatchie 14th Febry 17^2. I went this morning to the Town hot House where was only a few Old Men sitting and smoking Tobacco. When I went in the men present came a[nd] shook hands with me and offered me their Tobacco to smoke, afterwards they presented me with a Calabash filled with black drink made from the leaves of Casina which they parch in an Earthen pot till they are of a Dark brown Colour, they then put water upon them and boil it up till it is very Strong. They afterwards put a Strainer made of Split Canes into the pot and so take the drink out of the Strenner ^ with a Calla- bash, entirely free from any leaves, they cool it in a Large Earthen bowle by heaving it up with gourds or Callabashes till they raise a froth on the Top as Strong as that on porter, when it is Cool enough they fill some gourds with [it] and Carry it into the hot house in winter or Square in Summer, and present it to the head man or King of the Town first and likewise to any Stranger that is present two or three ^ Strainer S02 JOURNAL OF DAVID TAITT men Singing while the others Drink. As soon as they have done Singing, they Receive the Callabashes from head man and Stranger and Exchange them that they may drink together, then it is handed all round to every person present without the Ceremoney of Singing or Exchanging Cups. The Square is formed by four houses about forty feet in Length and ten wide. Open in front and devided into three different Cabins each. The seats are made of Canes Split and worked together raised about three feet off the Ground ; and half the width of the House, the back half being raised above the other about one foot ; these Cabins serve for beds as well as seats in Summer. The hot house is generally built at the north west Corner of the Square having the door fronting the South East. The one in this Town is a Square building about 30 feet diameter rounded a little at the Corners ; the walls are about four feet high ; from these walls the roof rises about twelve feet, terminating in a point at top. The door is the only Opening in this house for they have no window nor funnell for the smoke to go out at, there is a small entry about ten feet long built at the out side of the door and turned a little round the side of the house to keep out the Cold and prevent the wind blowing the fire about the House; they make a Circle of pitch pine Split small ; or in lieu of the pitch pine they use small dry Canes, leaving a small space of the Circle Open where the fire is lighted, still keeping some person Employed to add pitch pine or Canes to one part of the Circle while the fire Con- sumes the other. In this house the Indians Consult about the affairs of their Nation in the Winter Season and in their Square in Summer. Tuckahatchie 15th Fehry 1772. I went this Morning to the Hot house and Stayed there about two hours Smoking and drinking black drink in the usual Manner, and about twelve OClock I went aCross the River to the great Tallassle Town which Stands on a fine plain along the bank of the River, and Surrounded by Little 503 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES hills which begin to rise about half a mile from the River; in the Tallassies and Tuckabatchie there is about one hun- dred and fifty Cattle. While I was at the Tallassies the Dog Lieut, of the Ottesey ^ Town came to me, and wanted to give up a Commission which he had Received from Capt. Stuart 2 at last Meeting at Pensacola. He said that his Uncle wanted to have the Commission given to his son which Caused severall disputes between them and as he Received it from Captn. Stuart he desired that I would take it for him again as he did not Like to be at variance with his Uncle. I desired him to keep it till I Could have an Oppor- tunity of Seeing his Uncle, in the Evening I went back to the Tuckabatchies, Tuckabatchie i6th Febry 1772. This day I went down to the River side under the bank on the south side of the point and Observed for the Lati- tude of this Town which I found to be in 32 Degrees 26 minutes North Latd. Febry lyth. This Morning I went to Survey part of the River round this Town taking a Mr. Cameron with me to watch the Indians while I took the Course of the River and made the necessary Remarks, which I did partly from a small Mount near the Interpretors house, this mount as well as Severall others is of a Circuler form being about one hundred feet diameter at bottom rising about 20 feet Sloap- ing towards the top till it is about 50 feet diameter. This mount has lost great part of the North side by the River, these Mounts are Artificial but the Indians cannot give any Account of the Reasons of their being made, I was pre- vented going up the side of the River so far as I intented ^ having met with a party of Indians who were all very drunk they were accompanyed by one Francis Lewis, who was in the Same Condition as themselves, this Lewis who is a hire- ^ Atasi ; on the Tallapoosa, opposite present Sistrunk, Ala. ^ John Stuart, Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Southern District. ^ Intended. 504 JOURNAL OF DAVID TAITT ling to Mr. George Galphin at Silver bluff/ According to his usual Custom had met with the Indians (last night as they came into Town with their Skins from hunting) and Supplyed them plentifully with rum on purpose to get what skins they had brought in, and deprive the other Trader of any part of them. This man makes it a Common practice to give Rum to his wench for to purchase back the goods from the Indians, which he has before sold or Trusted them with, so that he is Obliged to fitt them out a Second time on Credit, which greatly increases their Debts to his Employer, but is a great profit to himself as the Skins that he purchases with Rum or goods bought with it he Claims as his own ; this I have been informed is a common practice with hire- lings in this Country. Tuckahatchie i8th Fehry 1772. I went this Day with Mr. Cornall to the Ottesey Town about five Miles down this River and on the South side of it, here I met with the Dog Lieut, but as soon as his Uncle saw me come into the Town, he went and hid himself being ashamed of the dispute between them. I desired the Lieut, to Keep the Commission as he is the only good man that can be depended upon in this Town ; in the Evening I re- turned to Tuckabatchie where a young man who I had sent two Days ago with a Message to Emistisiguo and 2d Man of the Little Tallassies was Returned with a Message from the later desiring me to stay where I was untill Emistisiguo returned from the Upper Towns, when they would come and see me. Fehry igth. This Morning a Mr. Vanden Velden, a Clerk belonging to a Mr. Mackay of Augusta,^ came from the Little Tallas- ^ Silver Bluff, S. C, on the left bank of the Savannah about twenty-five miles below Augusta, Ga., was the seat of the trading- post of George Galphin who has been styled " a merchant prince of the Georgia forest." ^ Mackay's trading house was a half-mile west of Augusta. 505 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES sies^ with a Message from Emistisiguo for me wherein he said that when he had any talks to deliver to his Father Captn. Stuart he went and delivered them himself and if I had any from his father to him, he Expected that I should go to him, this Message being very different from what I Received from the 2d man last night, I supposed it to be Mr. Veldens own as he seems to be a man that loves to hear himself speak and would wish to be thought of Conse- quence amongst the Indians. I desired him to acquaint Emistisiguo that I should be at the little Tallassies in two Days. Febry 20th. This Morning I sent to the half way house about twenty five Miles from this, for the King of the great Tallassies desir- ing him to come in to his Town that I might Talk to him there before that I went to the Little Tallassies as there was so much rain last night which Swelled the Creeks so much that I Could not Cross them to Day. Tuckahatchie 21st Febry 1772. This Morning I went to Cross the River at the great Tallassies but Could not get a Canoe and was told that the Tallassie King was not come into the Town. I returned to the Square in this Town and after black drink sent a man for my horses that I might go to the little Tallassies in the Morning. Little Tallassie 22d Febry. I sett out in Company with the Interpretor for this place which lays about west north west Twenty five miles from Tuckabatchie ; about two Miles from the Interpreters house in Tuckabatchie Came to a Creek Called Wallhatchie which was so much Swelled with the late rain that we Could not Cross it ; but were Obliged to go Round almost to its head. I took the Course and distance of the path as we went along till I arrived at this place which is a small village on the 'Little Tallassie stood near present Wetumpka, Ala. 506 JOURNAL OF DAVID TAITT East side of Coosa River about ten Miles above its Con- fluence with the Tallapuse River. I went to a house of Mr. Mackays where I was met by the 2d man of this Town and Mr. Velden, Mr. Mackays Clerk, who Intertained me very well with some fresh pork and fowles, but in the Evening when the grog begun to Operate in his brain he was Exceed- ing Troublesome in his discourse which was Chiefly about the Indians, afirming that he Could make them as Obedient and Submissive as any Civillized Nation in the world ; and that only in the Space of Six Months ; without any Expence to government, a thing impossible to be done. The 2d Man Observed that Mr. Velden talked a great deal too much and that he wrote all his own talks for he never gave any other person Opportunity to Speak, this Evening the 2d Man Sent a Run[n]er for Emistisiguo who lives about four Miles from this, but he did not come this Night. Little Tallassies 2jd Febry 1772. This Morning the Messenger Returned from Emistisiguo desiring me to go to the Hickory Ground about four Miles Lower down this River; the 2d man and Mr, Cornal went with me and when we Arrived there Emistisiguo who was sitting in the Square rose from his seat and took me by the hand telling me that he had Caused his Square to be sweept Clean to Receive me and that it was now white as well as his heart. After the usual Ceremoney of Smoking Tobacco and drinking black drink I informed Emistisiguo that I had brought some talks from His father Captain Stuart, for him and the other Headmen of the Upper Creeks. He Observed that several Talks had met together in the nation at this time and hoped that the Day would Come when he shou'd hear them all, but he was now going to war and at i his Return would appt a meeting for that purpose, he said that there was a Talk from the Merchants of August[a] which one of their Traders had brought into the nation, desiring the Creeks to Confirm the Lands granted by the Cherokees to their Traders, and promising them a very good Trade if 2K 507 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES they agreed to their demands, viz a Blanket which is Com- monly sold for six pound of drest deer skins they would sell for a buck skin in the Hair; this he said was just like a man telling a fine storey to his Children to make them Merry at Night but in the Morning would be foregot. He said that one of his people had lately been to the westward of Mississippi and Observed some French people there very poor for something to Cover themselves with and what little Necessaries they had were Obliged to purchase them from the English in the same manner as Indians, viz with Skins. He desired to know the Reason of their poverty and likewise said that there was some Indians near these people who had only a little Moss to Cover their nakedness. He then made a Complaint against a James Lesslie, a Trader in the Abicouchies,^ who he says had given him a very great affront some time ago. The manner of it was this, Emistisiguo being in the Town house in the Abicouches was Complaining to his people that the Traders had got a good Many Cattle in the Country Contrary to the Govr. of Georgia's promise, to him, and said that as the Govr. had given him Liberty to Kill any Cattle brought into his nation by the Traders without his Consent he wou'd not foreget the talk. Lesslie asked him who or what is the Governor ? he is no King for we white people have but one King but in this nation we Obey non[e] but the Merchants that Supply us with goods. Emistisiguo said that he was always told that the Governors were great beloved men, and desired that I should ask Lesslie his Reasons for despiseing them and Affronting him before his own people ; which I promised to do at first meeting when they were both present. About two OClock I went to Emistisiguo's House where he had Caused Dinner to be provided for me and the people with me, after Dinner I desired that he and the 2d man might go with me to the Coolamies, a village about 12 miles from the Hickory Ground on the Tallapuse River, this I did on pretence of giving them a private letter from Captain ^ The Abikudshi, or Abacoochees, dwelt in a town on Tallassee Creek about five miles from its junction with the Coosa River. 508 ( JOURNAL OF DAVID TAITT Stuart ; but on purpose to remove any Susspicion that might arise from my going to the different Towns to make the Survey which I intend ; Emistisiguo Excused himself as he was going to war in a few Days and must prepare for that purpose but desired the id man to go with me. He then desired that I would give him a letter desiring the Inhabit- ants about Mobile and Tansa ^ Rivers to use him and his people well in case he should be Obliged to go that way and be in want of any thing; this I promised to give him, telling him not to let his people take any Indian Slaves or Kill any Cattle or Steal horses from the plantations which he promised to Observe, in the Evening I set out with the 2d man and the Interpretor for the Coolamies where we Arrived after Dark and Stayed at a James Germanys, a || Trader in this village. The Indians in this Town were all very Drunk but not any way Troublesome to me this Night. Tuckahaichie 24th Fehry 1772. This Morning a little before Day Messrs. Germany and Cornall and 2d Man of the Little Tallassies went with me into the Coolamie Square, where the Indians were at black Drink. The Head men Received me after their usual manner by Shakeing hands. Exchanging Tobacco and giving black drink, and after Day Light they fired a Cow horn in the Square. I then sent to the Mucklasses ^ for some of the Head men of that Town and some white men who were Idleing about, against whome Complaints were made by the Indians at last meeting at Pensacola ; about ten OClock the Wolf King and a John Adam Tapley came from the Mucklasses ; after the Wolf had rested himself a little, He made a Complaint against a John Pigg, a Trader in the Coolamies, accuseing him with haveing stole two horses from him. Pigg denyed the Charge but accused one Aaron Whey, a Hireling of Mr. Richard Browns in the Coosadas, ^ Tensas. ^ The Mucklasses had a settlement on the Tallapoosa River, three miles below Kulumi. 509 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES who lived at Piggs house, when he stole one of the horses, the other horse the Wolf King had sent with a James Gray, about two Years ago to Pensacola to Carrey some presents from the Governor which the Wolf King had sent for. Gray sold the Horse to Captain Edward Crafton of the 31st Regt. for Seven Guineas, and told the Wolf King that his horse had Cut one of his feet almost off by some broken bottles in the Streets but gave him two three Gallon Keggs of Rum for him; some time after the horse Returned to the Muck- lasses when the Wolf King took him again into possession, but Pigg hired a person to steal him, and Carryed him down towards Augusta and there sold him, and sent the wolf King a Kegg of Mixed Rum. I told the wolf King that I should make Whey Return the horse which was in his possession but as he had Received pay for the other already and the horse being gon[e], I Could not get him restored. I Expected he would be satisfyed. Immediately after the Wolf King had don[e], a head man from the Fushatchies,^ a small village about j mile further up the River, came and Complained against John Pigg for Stealing four horses from his Nephew, about three years ago. Pigg Acknowledged himself guilty and Accused three others with being Concerned with him. I Ordered Pigg to pay the Indian immediatly for his horses, but he pleaded his unability and beged that the others might be Obliged to pay a part as they Received part of the proceeds. I acquainted the Indian that I should Oblige them that had stol[e]n his horses to pay him for them at which he was very well satisfyed. I then acquainted the Head men what bussiness I was come upon into their Nation and desired their Attendance when a meeting should be Called, which they promised to do. About twelve OClock I left the Square and went with the Wolf King and 2d Man of the Little Tallassies to Mr. Germaneys where we dined, after which the wolf said that he wanted to Speak to me in favour of the Traders who had got plantations in the Nation. I desired him to wait untill the meeting when all the Headmen ^ Fusihatchi. 510 JOURNAL OF DAVID TAITT would be present which would be the properest time for that subject. I then took leave of him and the 2d Man and set out with the Interpretor for the Tuckabatchies where we arrived before Dark. When we entered the Town an Old Man told the Interpretor that there was a meeting apointed by the Morter, Gun Merchant and Paya Lucko, to be at the OakChoys^ in fifteen Days. Tuckabatchie 25th Febry 1772. This Day I Received a Letter from the Morter with four- teen pieces of cane for a meeting to be at the OakChoys, and desireing me to send him a small drink by the return of the Messenger and if I had any talks for them this would be a very good Opportunity at their Meeting, the Messen- ger haveing returned last night I Could not send any Answer. Tuckabatchie 26th Febry 1772. This Morning I sent Emistisiguo the Letter which I had promised him, Likewise desireing him to stay untill the Meeting with the Morter and Gun Merchant was over, as I thought his presence Necessary at this time. Tuckabatchie 27th Febry 1772. I went this Morning to the Square to black drink and after breakfast went with a Mr. Cameron and Surveyed the River as far as the great fall which is about a mile and half above the Uppermost part of this Town. The fall is about one hundred feet high over Rocks which devid[e] the River into three Channels when the River is high and two when Low. Below this fall there is Several little falls and Rapides for the Space of a mile and half so that a boat cannot go further up then the Uppermost part of the Town. I Caused Mr. Cameron to watch while I took the Course and distance of the River etca. ^ Okchayi, an Upper Creek town on Oktchayi (now Kialaga) Creek in the southeastern part of Coosa County, Alabama. TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Tuckahatchie 28th Febry 1772. This forenoon a Richard Baillie, a hireling Trading for Mr. Macka^ in the Ottesey Town, came here from Pensacola where he and some others had been to purchase Rum with Skins. This practice is Carryed on by several hirelings to the great damage of their Employers as they Carry oflF the Skins which they have purchased with goods and barter them at Pensacola for Rum, with which they purchase more Skins or the Horses which are Stolen from Indian Traders, and from the different provinces, but for fear of being detected in this practice themselves they give the Rum to their Wenches who purchases these things as their own property, thereby depriveing the Merchant of his just Right and preventing any Recovery of Stolen horses except [by] paying them a very good price for them. William Simory, another hireling for Mr. Mackay in the Hochlawella Town, came here ; this man is accused with telling the In- dians that the white people was going to war with them this Spring ; and that the Trade would be stoped, that Captain Stuart had been Sailing round their Land making Observa- tions of their Country ; and by and by will send Troops to their Country to take their wives and Chilldren. For a proof of what he had said, he and the traders for some time past, had been Ordered to Carry very little Amunition amongst them ; this every trader knew, tho no one would tell them of it but himself, for he was a Dead man altho yet alive amongst them ; as he had been formerly a Soldier to the great King and run away from him and would now live and die amongst them. When he came to me he behaved in a very insolent manner, Riding up to me in a very threaten- ing posture. I made him dismount from his horse and Ordered him to atend at the Meeting at the OakChoys, there to Answer before the Traders and Indians, to what was aledged against him, which he promised to do. This Evening Messrs. Brown and Velden came here, the latter brought me a letter from Emistisiguo acquainting me that he was going to war next Day ; and that the 2d man of the S12 JOURNAL OF DAVID TAITT little Tallassies would be with me soon ^ Days before the Meeting with the letters which they had brought from Pensacola. Tuckahatchie 2gth Febry 1772. I went this Morning with Messrs. Brown, Velden, and Cornall, the Interpretor, over to the Great Tallassies where the King of the Town and head men were in the Square at black drink. After the usual Ceremoneys, one of the Head- men said to the Interpretor that the Reasons of Calling a meeting by the Morter and head men of the Upper Creeks, was on Account of a Letter from the Merchants at Augusta demanding lands for the payment of their Debts ; which Caused a great Murmering Amongst them. After black Drink one of the head men intertained us at his house with some bears meat for breakfast, in the Evening Mr. Velden set out for the Lower Creeks, and Mr. Brown for Coosada. Tuckahatchie ist March 1772. This Evening the 2d Man came here from the Little Tal- lassies and Acquainted me that Emistisiguo was gon[e] to war and had left the Letters (which he brought from Pensacola) with his Speaker to Carry to OakChoys to the meeting. At night we were alarmed by some drunken Indians threatening to Kill a white Man, and promised to pay the Interpretors house a visit for that purpose, which Obliged him and the 2d man to go to Sleep at a Corn house, a little distance from his house. I however went to bed as usual, but about ten OClock the fellow who had been before threatning was set- ting out to pay us a visit and luckily tumbled over the threshold of the Door, and two of his Companions Entering at same time, one of them struck him with his heel in the Stomach which nearly deprived him of life and prevented him paying us the disagreable Compliment which he in- tended. ^ Some. 513 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Tuckahatchie 2d March 1772. I went this Morning to the Great Tallassies with 2d man and the Interpretor. The Taliassie King and 2d man had a great deal of talk about the meeting apointed by the Mor- ter etca but Could not persuade the former to go to it as he seemed doubtfuU of some bad Talks being amongst them. After black drink I went with the Taliassie King, 2d man and Interpretor to James McQueens, a Trader in the Tallas- sies, where we dined and Stayed most part of the Day on Account of the Indians being Drunk at the Tuckabatchies. In the Evening I went over and was again desired not to Sleep at the Interpretors, as the Indians still threatened to Kill some person there. I was informed that Francis Lewis a Trader and one McFall had been drinking with them untill one of them flashed his gun at McFall and would afterwards have Killed him had not some Women put him into a Canoe and Carried him over the River to the Tallassies. As non[el of them had been about the Interpreters house to Day I desired to Sleep here this night also. The Interpretors Wench then said that I was like a person Unacquainted with padling a Canoe but after being overset once or twice will take better Care in futture. The 2d man then said that he would sleep in the room with me and when any person came to trouble us he would desire them to burn the house with us both but we were not disturbed this Night. Tuckahatchie jd March 1772. This Morning the 2d man and Interpretor went over to the Tallassies to black drink, where the 2d man Ordered the Interpretor to send to the Head men of the Towns on the Tallapuse River and desire them to attend at the Meet- ing which the Morter had Called, and there hear the Talks which I had for them. The Interpretor accordingly did. I sent for Frances Lewis and acquainted him that If the Indians were Troublesom hereafter I should send them to his house and Order them to take every Kegg of Rum 514 JOURNAL OF DAVID TAITT which they Could find and not allow them to pay for it. He said that he had not any left and promised that non[e] of them should be made drunk by him during my stay in this Town. Tuckabatchie 4th March 1772. I went this Morning to the Hot House with the 2d man of Little Tallassies, where we had black drink and after- wards bears meat and Callavances drest in Oil, after which the 2d man spoke to the head men and Warriors of this Town saying that he Supposed they wondered at his not Comeing into there Square before this time, but when he came into their Town he saw them all drunk and not only so, but threatening to Kill the white people for which Reason he should not have come now had not I brought him. He said that it was with the white peoples Rum which they got Drunk with, and if they brought non[e] amo[ng]st them they would not be satisfyed, and they Could not live without the white people altho the white people could without them and Even these young people who wanted most to make war with the white people would be the first to draw back when their Nation stood most in Need of them. He said that he Supposed that there was not a man amongst them but would like to have a blanket to Cover them and likewise a flap for their wives and if they had Children would like to see them Cloathed. He Observed that they were already at war with the Choctaws and thought these Sufficient with- out falling out with the white people. Tuckabatchie 5th March 1772. I sent this Morning for my horses to go to OakChoys but they Could not be found which prevented my going this Day. In the Evening the Horses were found. Cailedgee ^ 6th March 1772. I set out this Morning with the 2d man of the little Tal- lassie and the Captain of the Hochlawella Town, and the ^ Kailardshi. 515 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Interpretor, from Tuckabatchie for this place which lays NNW Twenty five Miles from the former. This village is Scattered along the sides of the Oachoy ^ Creek for the Space of Eight miles, south towards its Confluence with the Talla- puse River. There are about Seventy Gun Men in this Town and Plantations and one Trader. At the Traders house I met with Charles who had brought the Letters from Emistisiguo with the white wing pipes and Tobacco etca, which he Received at Pensacola last meeting there. As soon as I arrived at the traders a young Indian came and desired me to stay with them this night and go to their hot house to black drink as their people were going off to war next Day. He went to the Hot house and some time after sent another to Acquaint me that black drink was ready. I went with the Interpretor and Trader etca to the hot house, and after the usual Ceremoney of Smoking Tobacco and drinking black drink we were intertained with the Warriours and Women danceing Round the fire in the middle of the house, till about ten OClock when I left them and went to the Traders house where I stayed all night. While I was in the hot house I Caused the Interpretor to speak to one of the head men who was not going to war and desired him to Attend at the meeting at the OakChoys, which the Indian promised to do. The road from Tuckabatchie to this place is pretty good for space of twelve miles, being over a pine barren. It afterwards goes over Several little broken hills covered with Sharp Stones, very Troubles[olm[e] for horses to pass, as far as a Creek Called Chinahatchie,^ about 20 feet wide and one foot deep at present, being a flat Rockey bottom. The Oak- Choy Creek, on which this village stands, is very Serpentine and runs nearley South into the Tallapuse River. This Creek is 40 feet wide and 2 feet deep but not Navigable for Canoes on Account of Severall Rocks and little falls which Cross it. ^ Kialaga. ^ Cedar Creek. 516 JOURNAL OF DAVID TAITT OakChoys ph March 1772. I went this Morning to the Cailedgee hot house to black drink and Stayed there till ten OClock, at which time I set out for the OakChoys, three Miles North of Cailedgee and on the north East side of the same Creek. As soon as I arrived the Gun Mercht, or Mico Lucko, sent for me to the square to drink black drink where I stayed about two hours and then went to the Traders. In the Evening the Gun Merchant came and Invited me to the Square to black drink. This Night the men danced three or four times Round the fire in the hot house, and then the women danced the Snake dance, the leader haveing her legs Covered with Turpin shells which is filled with small stones on purpose to make a noise. In this dance there is two men sitting on a Seat with their backs to the fire and fronting the Women. As they come Round the men ratle a small Callabash in their hands singing all the while the women are danceing round. This dance lasted about two hours, when I left the house ; but the Indians stayed all night. OakChoys 8th March 1772. This being the Day appointed for the meeting of the head men, but the Morter and several others not being come no business Could be done. In the afternoon I went about three mile further up the Creek to see a Ball play between the Men of this Town and these of the fish Pond, a village be- longing to this laying about Seven Miles North East on a Creek Called Elkhatchie, which falls into the Oakfuskee River above that Town. In the Evening I returned to this place where Paya Lucko was Arrived from Oakfuskee. OakChoys gth March 1772. I waited all this day for the Morter but he did not come. OakChoys loth March 1772. This day the Morter and other head men came and Like- wise severall Traders and hirelings. This Evening the In- 517 1 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES terpretor spoke to Paya Lucko, about giving Satisfaction for the white man that was Killed in the Hillabies, and likewise Concerning some Indians threatening his life, for demanding Satisfaction for the last that was Killed. Paya Lucko said that it was part of the bussines of this meeting to settle every thing of that Kind and as he was one of the heads of the family who lost the last man for Satisfaction, every thing should now be settled so that he need not be any more affraid of his life on that Account. OakChoys nth March 1772. This Morning after the headmen had finished their private bussines the Morter desired that I would let them hear the Talks which I had from their Father for them. The Gun Mercht at same time enquired of the Traders for a letter which the Merchts at Augusta had sent into the Nation, but the Traders denyed knowing any thing of such a letter. I delivered the Letters which Emistisiguo brought from Pensacola in Novr. last and these which I had from Captain Stuart ^ about the lands on Scambia, which the Chiefs promised to answer next Day. ^ With his instructions Taitt received two letters to the Upper Creeks. One of these was as follows : 20th January 1772. To the Great and Small Medal Chiefs and all the Head men and Leaders of the Abekas, Tallepusses and Alibamons in the Upper Creek Nation. Friends and Brothers, This will probably meet you at your return from Hunting and will be delivered by a beloved man who I send to be present at your meeting, where you will consider of and answer the Message sent you by Emistisiguo and your other Chiefs who were at Pensacola, who no Doubt have acquainted you of our Talks when there, and which I hope will prove agreeable. The Bearer Mr. Taitt will immediately send off an Express, to Acquaint me with your Determination with Respect to the Scambia or Conica Lands. As the Parties going to War who cross over to our Settlements on the West side of Mobile Bay have for some time past made it a practice to rob and plunder the Plantations, and Kill poor 518 JOURNAL OF DAVID TAITT Oak C hoys 12 March 1772. This Morning I went to the hot house where Mico Lucko brought in a white Skin with some Tobacco and a Red pipe Peoples Cattle, by which many Families have been greatly dis- tressed I send the Bearer of this to Speak with the Chiefs of the Lower Towns, and to see if a stop can be put to such proceedings, for all the Parties who have committed such Violences came from the Lower Towns, and as you know that such Insults are incon- sistent with the Peace and Friendship which ought to subsist between you and your white Brethren, I hope you will Join me in endeavoring to prevent and stop them and that you will send a Messenger and a Talk with this Beloved man to the Cowetas and Lower Towns concerning these Robberies. When Mr. Cornal Arrived here he found the great Leader and other Chiefs of the Chickasaws with me. Their Talks are good as they always have been they acquainted me of Several Mes- sages sent to them by the Northern Indians thro' your nation. They also desired me to acquaint you that as you and the Chac- taws are both their Friends, they hope you will not carry on the War against each other through their Towns, but find another Road to your Enemies. That if your parties should at any time be Hungry and in Want of provisions they will be glad to Treat you as Friends and supply your Wants, but they will not suffer either you or the Chactaws to carry Prisoners thro' their Towns, they will not meddle with Scalps but they will set the Prisoners taken by their Nation at Liberty if they are carried into their Towns. I recommend to you to pay Attention to the Talks of Paya Mattaha, he is a Warrior of great Experience and Judgment, and you may be sure he will always Give you good advice, he is a Red man and loves the Red People, and for their sake holds me fast by the hand for he knows that I am the Father and Friend of Red men. I add no more at present but referr you to my former Talk to which I expect a favourable answer. I am Your Friend and Brother signed J. S. The other letter from Stuart was in part as follows : Jan. 20, 1772. To the Great Chiefs of the Upper Creek Nation : . . . "You acted like Good and just Men in giving satisfaction for the two White Men Killed on the Mobille or Chactaw Road. 519 I TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES rolled up In the skin which was sent from the Quarpas ^ or Arkansaws (a small nation on the west side of Mississippi) with a peace talk to the Chickasaws and from thence to this place. The Morter gave me some of the Tobacco to smoke with them while Mico Lucko delivered the talk to the Headmen and Warriours but as the Interpretors went out of the house before this was given I Could not learn what it was. After this bussines was over, the Morter, Mico Lucko, and Stocklitea, or white Lieut., gave me an Answer to the Letters which I had delivered to them Yesterday but desired me not to demand Satisfaction publickley, but promised to give it as soon as they Could get an Oppor- tunity to do it, as they Could not Kill any person publickley. In this Town and villages belonging to it is about 70 Gun You also promised Satisfaction for a man Killed at the Hillabies, but this you have failed in, and the Murtherer still Lives. Two men have since been Killed upon the Occonies : so that there are three Murthers unsatisfied by you. You say you lost a man at Augusta last year, and that he was beaten by a white man in such a manner as to cause his Death. Governor Wright ac- quaints you in his Talk that his Death was Owing to Drunken- ness and the oversetting of a Canoe by Accident; the case is not Clear, however supposing that you are Right and that it ; ought to pass in Satisfaction for one of the three Deaths which I you Owe; Mr. Cornal says that a Party who had stolen Horses j from the Inhabitants of Little River was pursued by the owners, .. and that one Man of yours was killed. This practice of Robbing ^ the Settlements has often been complained of: and amongst all i Nations killing a man in defence of a Persons Just property is 1 allowed of. However upon the present Occasion should the 1 Death of this Robber be allowed to pass as further satisfaction j even then you would still be indebted for one Murther unattoned for. Your Justice will point out what is to be done and what we expect. . . . "I have often told you that no Talks about Land should be Listened to except what should come from me. I also told you in my former Talks and to your Warriors at Pensacola that the ! Lands Ceded to the Traders by the Cherokees ^vas without my ' knowledge and without any Orders from the King. I had re- < ceived no Orders to ask those Lands of the Cherokees — I have ■ none to ask them of or take them from You. , . ." ^ Quapaws. 520 JOURNAL OF DAVID TAITT ' Men and one Trader. In the Evening I went to Cailedgee where I stayed all night. Tuckabatchie ijtk March 1772. This Morning I set out from Cailedgee with the Inter- pretor, 2d man of the little Tallassies, and Hochlawella Cap- tain. At Cailedgee I was Obliged to purchase a horse from the Trader, having delivered one to the Hochlawella Cap- tain, and which I bought at Mobile, but was stolen about three years ago by one Colbert, a Trader, in the Chickasaws when he passed thro the Abicouches to that Nation. In the Evening we Arrived at this place. Tuckabatchie 14th March 1772. This Day the 2d man Returned to the little Tallassies and the Captain to Hochlawella. Tuckabatchie i^th March 1772. This Day I wrote a Letter to Captain Stuart with the Indians Answer to him about the Scambia Lands, and In the Evening a McFall, whom I had Engaged to go to Pen- sacola with them, came here for that purpose. Tuckabatchie i6th March 1772. This Morning I sent off McFall with the letters for Pen- sacola and in the afternoon the Ottesey Captain (who had been appointed by the Headmen to go with the beaver Tooth King of the great Tallassies, to the Lower Creeks, when I should go there) came here, and acquainted me that he Could not go to the Lower Creeks, as he must go to war on Account of his Nephew whose life was in danger from having Killed an Indian in Rum drinking a little time ago.^ ^ On this day Taitt wrote the following letter to Stuart : Tuckabatchie, 16 March 1772. Sir: I arrived in this Nation the 12th of Last Month and on the 14th sent a Messenger to the little Tallassies for Emistisiguo and the 2nd man ; the 2nd man sent an answer by the Messenger 521 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Tuckahatchie 17th March 1772. This Morning I sent my Servant to the white ground with a pack horse for McFall to take to Pensacola. that Emistisiguo was gone to the Upper Towns and as soon as he had returned they would come and see me; the Day after I had Received this Answer a Mr. Vanden Velden a Cracked brained dutchman, Clerk to Mr. Mackay came from the little Tallassies with a message from the big fellow : wherein he said that when he had a Talk to Deliver to you He went with it himself and if I had any Talk from You he Expected the same Compliment paid to him and that he was going to war in a few days. I looked upon this Message to be Velden's own as he was very Solicitous to know my Business here ; on Account of some Talks which the Merchants in Augusta has sent to the Upper and Lower Towns ; about the Lands which the Cherokees gave to their Traders ; this man is Employed in Rideing about the nation with an Interpreter; On the 22nd I went to the little Tallassies where I met the 2nd man with whom I went next morning to the Hickory ground about four miles Lower down the Coosa River where the big fellow lives ; I stayed with him most part of the day but could not give him your Talk on Account of the people present. He Acquainted me that he was going to war in four days and as soon as he returned he would appoint a meeting of all the Upper Creeks, he likewise desired that I would give him a letter desiring the Inhabitants on Mobile River to use him Civilly in Case he should have Occasion to go that way ; in the evening I set out with Mr. Cornell and 2nd man and went to the Cool- limies a Small Town upon the Tallapuse River about Twelve miles distant from the Hickory ground ; at and near this Town lives most of the Idle people and Hunters which Complaints were made against at last meeting at Pensacola, which was the reason of the 2nd mans Comeing here to speak to them, Next Morning The Wolf King and a head man Called The Setter came to this Town and made a Complaint against one John Pigg a Trader for Stealing five Horses, Pigg acknowledged to be concerned with four other persons in Stealing four of the horses. I ordered him to restore the horses that was in any of their possessions and to pay for what might have been sold or lost by him and his ac- complices ; As I have no authority to punish ofenders of this kind I cannot oblige them to punish Indians unless they please, but shall do all I can to persuade them as Indians will certainly make reprizals if they cannot get their own, in the evening the 2nd man returned to the little Tallassies as did Mr. Cornell and self to this Town. On the 25th I received a letter from the Morter 522 JOURNAL OF DAVID TAITT Tuckabatchie i8th March 1772. This Day the Indians in this Town being all very drunk, I went over to the Tallassies where I stayed most part of for a meeting to be at the Oak Choys the eight[h] of this Month, the Morter had heard of my being here after he had appointed the meeting ; therefore desired if I had any Talks to give them that I would come there as he expected the lower Creeks ; I sent a Messenger to Emistisiguo with a letter desireing him to stay till this meeting was over before he went to War. He sent for answer that I now had an opportunity of delivering Talks which I had brought from you without giving myself much Trouble or waiting long for his return which was uncertain. He was now pursuing Steps in the same manner as white people who never begin a work and leave it half finished. He was going after a single life at which he would be satisfied. He likewise Observed that the fighter was not yet come that when he Came and they went to run the line the Weather would be very bote so that a great allowance of Rum must be given them such as Six Hogs- heads three or four would not do ; He said there would be Copers and White people present at the meeting and no doubt but his Intentions would be oposed but said he should have every thing if he returned alive. On the 1st Inst, the 2nd man came here and acquainted me that Esmistisiguo was gon[e] to war and had left the Talks etca which he brought from Pensacola with his speaker and desired that they might be first read at the meeting; I set out on the 6th with Mr. Cornell the 2nd man and Captain Tanahopaya of Hochtawella Town for the Oak Choys, we waited there four days before the Morter came; on the nth Inst, after they had settled the Business which they met upon which was in regard of giving Satisfaction to pacify those families who had lost their Relations ; the Gun Merchant acquainted me that they had finished their bussiness that the path was Clear and the White people might now pass and repass in safety, The Morter then desired that if I had any Talks I might read them. [At the] same time the Gun Merchants asked the traders for the paper from Augusta \ but they denied knowing anything about it, I delivered your letter which Emistisiguo brought and then Governor Chesters about the Scambia or Conica Lands as likewise what I brought from you excepting the one for satisfaction as the Morter and Gun Merchants assured me that that bussiness was already agreed upon and that they did not want it made publick for fear ■ of the Offenders being too much upon their guard or make their escape, On the 12th I received the answers which is here enclosed. 2L 523 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES the Day and in the Evening I sent for the beaver Tooth King, and desired him to go to the Lower Creeks and deliver the Message which he had Received at last meeting ; as I The whole Chiefs of the Abeckas or upper towns were present, five of the Tallapusses and two Alibamons but none of the lower Creeks, You will plainly observe by these answers that the Nation is divided one part against another which is caused by a jelousy subsisting between the Abeckas and Tallapusses in regard of the respect that has been of late showed to Emistisiguo, who unfor- tunately is of a Slave race ; but I suppose when he and the fighter comes in, the scale may turn as the Tallapusses and Alibamons seem inclined to give up the Land that you have asked from them, on the other hand the Merchants and Traders in this Nation does all in their power to make every measure you propose prove abortive ; the Interpreter seems to know very few head men above the Town in which he lives, although in my opinion those in the Upper Towns carry the greatest authority I have not as yet been able to compleat the Bussiness which I came upon in this nation as I found the Indians in such a Situation by the Idle speeches of some unworthy hirelings to whom the Merchants in Augusta had made known some of their Intentions that if I had been observed in doing the smallest matter I must have run a very great risk for what the Indians does not understand themselves the Traders will assist them and you know the Indians jelous disposition ; I hope to complete every thing before the Express returns which I shall wait for in this Nation, as I have no author- ity to make any demands of Land from the lower Creeks. Mr. Mackays Clerk has been gone to them some time to try what he can do for the Merchants ; their meeting in the upper Creeks is proposed to be on the loth April and in the Lower on the 20th of same month, Mr. Golphin [George Galphin] has taken upon himself to get the Consent of the Lower Creeks, and they are to ask for some more Land than what the Cherokees gave to pay the Debts due by the Creeks and the traders, and in case of a Refusal to stop sending any Goods amongst them this summer which some of the Traders has already acquainted the Indians with, some of the Merchants letters I have seen, and particularly one to Mr. Cornell from a Mr. Greerson [Grierson] in Augusta acquainting him with their letter which they had sent into the Nation by a Mr. Rea a Trader in a small Village belonging to the Oakfuskies, whose speech the white Lieutenant delivers ; Mr. Greerson first desires Mr. Cornell to give them all the assistance in his power withall threatening him with the heavy debt which hangs over his head 524 JOURNAL OF DAVID TAITT Could not go untill that I heard from Captain Stuart, I Ukewise desired him to enquire if Stephen Forest was come then promising the forgiveness of all his debts besides pecuniary Emolument in case he succeeds, this Mr. Greerson says is the conditions on which Mr. Forester is to go to the lower Towns ; whether Cornell may take the bait I cannot tell he has al- ready refused to go to the Lower Towns because I told him that I would not allow him to give out the Merchants talk, after he had promised Mr. Rea ; I should not have Exposed Mr. Greerson's letter till I had the pleasure of seeing you had not his brother advised some of the head men whom I had asked to the meeting not to go, telling them that I was not a beloved man but some runaway he took care not to make his appearance after that he found that I had heard his talk. The traders in this Nation excepting a very few are Composed of Deserters, Horse thieves, half breeds and Negroes. They all trade without any Licenses or permits ; the Merchants fits out some Traders with goods on their own acct. and others they hire to trade in opposition to the Traders ; these hirelings fits out others which they find Ideling about the Nation so that in some Towns there is three or four Stores where one would be Sufficient, all Trade without any Regulations whatsoever and undersell one another to that degree that goods are sold at first cost or rather given away. Some indeed will give a Kegg of Rum to every fellow that will sell his Skins to them. Some of these hirelings after getting a few Skins with the Goods which the Merchant has entrusted him with, Carrys them to Pensacola where they Barter them with the Merchants for Rum ; with it they buy the Horses which the Indians steal from the Settlements of the Different Provinces. Unless there is a Stop put to sending Rum in such large quantities amongst these Indians no man will be safe amongst them for after one trader has made them Drunk he will send them to his Neighbour to break his Doors and plunder him which has been attempted to be done in this Town since my comeing here, one Francis Lewis a Hireling of Mr. Golphins had near thirty Keggs in his house at my Arrival which has keep't this Town Continually Drunk, there is many others in the Nation of the same stamp as this man. Some Carries on no other trade j than buying of Horses with Rum ; These men I think should be sent to some other place as the Indians are Continually Complain- ing against them. There was a talk from the Quapas with a White Skin, a pipe and some Tobacco delivered to the head men at this Meeting; about Thirteen Chickasaws were at the Abicouchies lately want- I 525 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES up from Augusta. He promised to set out in a few Days, and at same time said that when he was going to the Meet- ing to settle in this Nation : the Head man of that Town gave them leave to settle the Ground they formerly Possessed on Con- dition of their Continuing in this Land, they returned to their own lands and it is uncertain whether they come back. There has been Complaints made to me by the Head men of some Towns on this River against their having to many Traders, particularly the Captn of Hocktawella Complains of having three Traders in his Town where there is only about Seventy Gun men. He says that when the last Trader came there which is about two months ago the head men advised him not to open his Goods but go somewhere else, but their advise was to no purpose, he says that the Young Fellows will have the Goods when they are brought amongst them and will never be able to pay for them. I have made the Observations recommended by you in respect to the Country from Pensacola to this place and likewise taken the Latitudes of Different places ; about two miles N b[y] E from Crossing little Scambia I observed in Latitude 31.14. This Town is in Latitude 32.36 and is the farthest any Boat or Canoe can go by this River on account of falls which begin at the upper end of the Town and at i^ miles above the Town is one about one hundred feet high. My Quadrant is now of no use the Sun being got too far to the Northward for observing by Land. The King of this Town desires that you will be so good as [to] send a small drink by the Bearer, as he says by the time that he returnes Emistisiguo will be come in and we shall have more talks which will be more agreeable to you than these you now receive ; I was obliged to give a kegg of Rum in lieu of the wine which was promised in the talk that Esmistisiguo carried. The bearer is McFall who[m] the Complaints was made against for hunting ; he has delivered himself up and promises not to hunt any more. As to Horse Stealing I do not find that ever he has brought any into this part, if you have any Letters to send I shall be obliged to you to dispatch him as soon as possible, any bussiness you think proper to entrust me with while in this nation shall be punctually executed by giving me proper Authority. One of the lower Creeks killed a man down at the Ogeechie some time agoe. I hear that Mr. Habersham had desired Mr. Golphin to send and demand Satisfaction. Whether it has been done or not I cannot say but the murderer still lives. I remain with the greatest Esteem, Sir your Most Obedt and most hum[ble] S[ervan]t (Signed) David Taitt. 526 JOURNAL OF DAVID TAITT ing at OakChoys he Called at the Upper Euffallas ^ where he saw a Trader named Thomas Greerson,^ who desired him not to go to any meeting, telling him that I was not a beloved man but some runaway who wanted to Oppose them in their Land affair by saying that I had Letters for the In- dians. The beaver Tooth King answered Greeson saying that he knew that the white people had Laws to punish any person that offered to Commit such things as he had mentioned, and he had already seen me and was sure that Greeson durst not tell me so, but he would the first time he saw me, this he had told all the head men at OakChoys while I was there ; but I being a little bussie then did not rememb[elr it. Tuckabatchie iQth March 1772. This Morning I intended to go to the Upper Towns but it begun to rain about six, and Continued so all morning. In the forenoon I Reed a letter from James Germaney, a Trader in the Coolamies, informing me that he Could get proof of William Simorys being guilty of high Treason, and I likewise of his Stirring up the Indians by Speaking disre- spectfully of the Governors and Superintendant of Indian affairs. This Day I heard from the Lower Creeks by two Eutchies ^ who informed me that the man who Killed the white man at Ogechee, had been Killed by his own people in the Geehaws. Tuckabatchie 20th March 1772. I sent this Morning for my horses to go to Survey the Upper Towns but they had strayed off in the night and Could not be found till late in the afternoon which prevented me going this Day. ^ Upper Eufaula was situated on Eufaula Creek a few miles south of the present town of Talladega, Talladega County, Alabama. ^ Thomas Grierson. ^ The Eutchies, or Uchees, had a settlement on the west bank of the Chattahoochee River at or near the mouth of Big Uchee Creek in Russell County, Alabama. 527 I TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES Cailedgee 21st March 1772. I sett out this Morning with my servant to Survey the road etca to this place, the Interpretor refuseing to go on pretence that he did not know the road, I however pro- ceeded to take the Course and distance of the roads and Creeks etca, my servant who is a Spaniard and has resided in this Country several years knowing the roads to the different Towns. I stayed at this Town all this Night. Oakfuskee 22d March 1772. This Morning I went to the Square in the Cailedgees where the Indians had prepered black drink for me. After I had drank some with them I went to the OakChoys taking the bearings and distance of the path etca. I stayed in this Square with Mico Lucko some time, Smoking ; and drinking black drink and then sett out for the Euffallas ^ about Eight miles East by South from the OakChoys and on the North west side of the Oakfuskee or Tallapuse River. The road from OakChoy to Euffalla is over Several little Stoney hills very bad for horses traveling. The Euffalla Town is Situ- ated on a low point of land surrounded by high barren hills on the west side and by the river on the East. I rested here about two hours and then set out for Oakfuskee about five miles NNW of Eufalla and on a point on the west side of same River. This Town some years ago was the Largest in the Upper Creeks, Containing three hundred Gun men, but now not above thirty, the Inhabitants having Scattered about the Hunting grounds on Account of Plantations. I stayed at this Town all night. Oakfuskee 23d March 1772. This Morning I went to the Square in this Town, with one of the headmen Commonly Called Wills friend. He sent for Paya Lucko desiring him to come to the Square, but he declined coming on Acct. of some dispute amongst them- 1 Eufaula, on the Tallapoosa River, in Tallapoosa County ; not to be confused with Upper Eufaula. 528 JOURNAL OF DAVID TAITT selves ; but after black drink he came to meet me at the Traders where Wills Friend had Caused some fovvles to be prepered for breakfast. Paya Lucko behaved very Civilly; and seemed willing that I should stay some Days in his town ; but Observed that at present they had but very little to Intertain me with. About Eleven OClock I set out for a small village Called Elkhatchie/ about four miles NNW from Oakfuskee, situated at the mouth of a Creek of the same name, runing ENE into Oakfuskee River. The Creek is about 30 yards wide and 12 ft. Deep at this village, which Consists of four or five houses, but about half a mile up the Creek is fordable. After Crossing in a Canoe I went to Secus- poga, another village of the Oakfuskee Indians about five Miles NNE from Elkhatchie, and on a point on west side of Oakfuskee River. This village stands on a level piece of ground about half a mile broad bounded by hills on the west side. There is about forty five Gun men in it and one Trader, named Robert French, a hireling of Messrs. Campbell and Son in Charlestown. From this Trader I received a Large Silver medal, and Commission which the Morter had given to him about Eighteen Months ago, desiring him to Carry it to Mr. Mackay at Augusta and give it to him for Captn. Stuart. This French had done but Mr. Mackay refused to accept of it, and desired him to Give it to the Morter again when he returned to the Nation ; but the Morter would not take it, saying that the promises made to him when he Received it at Pensacola were not fullfilled. I reproved Mr. French for keeping it so long without acquainting the Interpretor or bringing it to me at last meeting. The Interpretor he said he never shou'd have acquainted any thing about it, but intended to have brought to me at the meeting but had forgot it untill he had got to the fish pond (about seven mile from OakChoys) where he returned from without Seeing me. In the Evening I went to the Square where Paya Lucko's Son came from Oakfuskee and acquainted the headmen that the Little Tallassie people ^ Island Home, Ala. 529 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES had brought in a Chactaw prisoner and burned him in that Town. Hillabies 24th March 1772. This Morning I went to black drink in the Square at Socuspoga, where I stayed till ten OClock and then set out for this place. Paya Lucko's son went with me on pretence of being my guide but I suppose this piece of kindnes was the Effect of jealousey and not intended as any Service to me. I made him ride on before, and keept my Servant between him and me, thereby preventing him from seeing me take Observations of the Course of the path and Creeks as we past. This Town is about ten Miles NNW from Socuspoga, on the branches of a Creek Called Yallafattee,^ which falls into the Oakfuskee River. Above Socuspoga there is Several little villages or plantations Scattered about the branches of this Creek, which is Confined between high hills on Each side having very little planting Land Except- ing what is about the sides of the Creek. In this Town and villages are about one hundred gun Men, one Trader, and one Indian factor. This Evening I went with Mr. Scot, the Trader, to the hot house where was only a few Young Men, the rest being all gon to war against the Chactaws. Amongst the Young Men that are here is the one who Killed Mr. Scots Servant some time ago, and for whom Satisfaction has been promised. At Night I went to Mr. Scots house where I stayed this night. Hillabies 25th March 1772. I stayed at this Town all this Day and Surveyed the dif- ferent branches of the Creek etca. Natchie[s] 26th March 1772. This Morning I set out from the Hillabies, Mr. Scot j accompanying me to the little OakChoys, a small village j about three miles WSW from the Hillabies, and on a branch \ ^ Hillabee Creek. 530 JOURNAL OF DAVID TAITT of Yallafattee Creek wh[Ich] joins the other branch at the west End of the Hillabies. In this village lives the Morter and about twenty OakChoy people. I went to the Morters Summer house where the people were at black drink, but the Morter had been gon[e] a hunting for some Days. After drinking some black drink etca I set out for the Natchies, a small village of the remnant of a people of that name who were drove from the Mississippi by the French.^ This village is about Twenty seven Miles NW of the Hillabies and on the south side of a Creek Called Clanahumgey ^ which falls into the Coosa River about nine miles west north west from this. About Eight miles South East from this I Crosed over a high hill very steep and Covered over with Sharp Stones ; this hill which Continues nearly South west towards the Coosa River is part of the great mountains which devide the Northern and Southern part of America. From the Top of this hill is a very beautifull prospect over the Tops of hills all round this. I Arrived at this Town abt five OClock in the afternoon and went to a Traders house where I stayed all this Night. Natchie[s] 27th March 1772. 1 went this morning to black drink to the Square where I was very kindley Received by the head men of the Town who told me to look on myself as being amongst my friends and not to be affraid of any thing, for their fire was the same as Charlestown fire and they never had Spilt the blood of any white Man ; after that I had Smoked Tobacco and drinked black drink with them they desired that I might Stay in their Town all day as they were building a hot house and Should have a dance in the Evening which they wanted me to see. In the Evening I went to the Square where thirteen Chickasaws had joined the Natchies and Creeks for the dance, (these Chickasaws are making a Settlement ^ The Natchez Indians were driven from their home, near the site of the present city of Natchez, Miss., by the French in 1730. 2 Tallassee Creek in Talladega County. S3I TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES on the side of a Creek Called Caimullga ^ about 15 miles north from this, and falling into the Coosa River at the Chickasaw Trading path, about a mile above Clamahumgey) The women being dressed like Warriours with bows, hatchets, and other weapons in their hands, came into the Square and danced round the fire, the pole Cat dance, two men Singing and ratling their Callabashes all the time. In this Town is about thirty gun Men, Natchies and Creeks and one Trader, Ahicouches 28th March 1772. This Morning I left the Natchies and came to this place which is about three miles NW b[y] N from the former and on the North side of same Creek. As soon as I Came into the Town I went to the hot house where Machbichemalla, Commonly Called Mcbeans friend, and Effatiskiniha, or Mackays friend, wellcomed me to their Town telling me that I was amongst my friends on the west side of the great hill who never had spilt the blood of any white man but had always held them fast by the hand, and they looked [upon] their fire and [that of] the Natchies [as] the same as [the] Charlestown fire. Effatiskiniha said that most of the old people were dead and he was the only one left in his Town to protect the white people, which he would do as Long as he lived, and said that there was men growing up amongst them which he hoped would protect [them] when he wasgon[e]. I told him that I had heard that he and his people had always behaved very well to the white people and desired to know if he thought any thing deficient on our side. He said that he Supposed I was now tired with my journey, and would not at present say any more, but would meet me in the Evening. I desired him to send for the head man of Tal- lassiehatchie, a small village about three miles further down this Creek, that I might enquire of him the reasons for his people breaking their Traders doors, and Turning him out of their town, which he promised me to do. I likewise sent 1 This settlement was at or near the site of the present town of Kymulga on Talladega Creek in Talladega County, Alabama. 532 JOURNAL OF DAVID TAITT for Mr. Cuzens, a Trader in the Natchies, to Interpret be- tween me and the Indians. In the Evening Mr. Cuzens and the head man of Tallassiehatchie came and went with me to the hot house where, after the Ceremoney of drinking black drink and Smoking with the head man of Tallassie- hatchie, I asked him about the affair of John Bell, his Trader. He said that his Young people had broke Bells doors and destroyed his household utensils such as pots, bowles etca and Spoiled all his victuals, because he would not give them such a good Trade as the people of the puckan- tallahassie did, which sold Stroud and duffle Blankets at Six pound leather each and every thing else in proportion, and took their buck Skins at five pounds and doe at three. But as for his part he was the man that brought a white man to his Town as he was very poor for one before he got him and is now poor since he left them. He said that he was a very good white man and not any wise Cross so that he loved him very much, but did not desire him to stay after his people had used [him] so very 111 nor did he desire him to go back as something bad might happen for which he should blame himself if he desired him to stay. As the men were dancing and making a noise round the fire in [the] hot house, I went out into the Square with Mr. Cuzens, Mckays and Mcbeans friends etca, Mackeys friend acquainted me that he had a small favour to ask of his father Captain Stuart which in the first place was a Stand of Colours to Show that he was an English Man and a friend to the white people, next a bag of powder and two bags of ball, some flints, and a box of paint, as they were often very poor for these things, being much Exposed to their Enemy by being the outside Town of their Nation, and their Traders being often Robed of their horses etca before they Could Cross the great hill. He likewise Observed that there was not a great Coat in the Town. Mcbeans friend desired me to acquaint Captain Stuart that he was the man who talked to him at Augusta about the Chactaw war as ^ some things ^And. 533 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES in private, and when I should mention that, Captain Stuart would remember who he was. This man was the first that Killed a Chactaw and brought prisoners into this Town. He says that he made war on purpose to keep his Young people from falling out with the English and as soon as his Nation makes peace with the Chactaws he will Spoil it again as he knows they must be at war with some body. In this Town is about forty five Gun men and two Traders. Abicouchie 2gth March 1772. I went this Day to Tallassiehatchie about three Miles west North west from this and on the South side of Clana- humgey Creek. I stayed some little time with the head men viewing the Creek and village, and went to the mouth of CaimuUga Creek where it joins the Coosa River about half a mile above the Coosa Old Town and two Miles west North west from Tallassiehatchie. On East side of Coosa River is very good Level Land for a Considerable distance up, and on the East side of the River, between CaimuUga and Clanahumgey, is a fine Tract of Land where the Coosa Old Town formerly Stood but now mostly grown over with small Oaks. Some people from Tallassiehatchie are now building house[s] and making plantations where the old Town formerly stood. In the Evening I returned to this place where I stayed all night. Wakokays ^ joth March 1772. I set out this morning from Abicouchie and after Crosing part of the large mountains Arrived at this village which is thirty Miles SSE of Abicouchie and Situated on a branch of hatchet Creek,^ Surrounded by high barren hills very Rockey. There is plantations Scattered along the sides of the Creek for Eight or ten Miles down towards Puckantal- lahassie.^ This Creek, which falls into the Coosa River about 18 miles South west of this, is about 60 feet broad in ^ Wakokayi. ^ Ponchishatchee or Hatchet Creek. ^ Pakan-Tallahassee. 534 JOURNAL OF DAVID TAITT most places but not navigable, being full of Rocks and Shoals. In this Town etca. is about one hundred Gun men and two Traders, who Keep four Trading house in the Town and plantations. Wakokays jist March 1772. This Morning It rained very hard which prevented me from going to Puckantallahassie, the people belonging to this Town are mostly gon to war so that I Could not see any of the head men. Weoka 1st April 1772. I set out this Morning from Wakokays having one Camp- bell, a Trader in the Puckantallahassie, for my guide to that place, which is about fourteen Miles South west from the former and on the west side of hatchet Creek. The path goes mostly along side of the Creek and Croses it several times keeping along the tops of very Steep hills. When I Arrived at puckantallahassie I was met at the Traders house by four Old men being all that were in the Town, Devals Landlord and the rest being gon[e] to war. This Town is within four miles of Coosa River; and has twenty Gun men and two Trading houses in it. From thence I set out for Weoka, a small village Situated on a Creek of the same name about Twelve Miles South East be East from the Puckantallahassie. The road (Except the first four miles from thence being very hilly) is very good being mostly thro an Open pine barren. I arrived at night at a house belonging to Mr. Greerson where I stayed all this Night. Coosada 2d April 1772. I sett out this morning from the Weokas which Is a small village Surrounded by hills having very little low land for planting Excepting a narrow Stripe along the sides of the Creek where it is Situate upon. I took the Course and dis- tance of the path to the little Tallassies which is about 13 miles South be East from the former, the path going thro a 535 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES level pine barren. From the Tallassies I went to the Hickory- ground and in my way thither met with a young Indian going to Tuckabatchie. I desired him to send the Inter- pretor to meet me at Coosada to morrow, I then went into the Square where Emistisiguo and his Warriours who had returned last night, were sitting. As I had no Interpretor I Could not have any Conversation with him. I however drank some black drink and eat some bears paws etca. and then set out for this place which [is] Situated in the forks of the Coosa and Tallapuse Rivers about a Quarter of a mile below the Old French fort.^ In this Town is forty Ali- bamons and one Trader. Coosada jd April 1772. I sent my Servant this morning to the white ground, a village about Eight miles up the Tallapuse river, to Enquire if McFall had returned from Pensacola, my servant returned and told me that he arrived last night and was gon this Morning to Tuckabatchie. In the afternoon I went with Mr. Brown, a Trader in this Town, and Surveyed part of the Rivers Coosa and Alibama below this Town. Coosada 4th April 1772. I went this Morning to Wetunkey, a small village about one mile ESE from this, up the Tallapuse River, where Emistisiguo and the fighter, viz, Toopoya and Several other headmen were present at the building of a new hot house. In this village after black drink I went to a Thomas Mosleys, a Trader in this Town, where Emistisiguo came likewise. I desired a Jacob Monthack to Enquire of Emistisiguo where he and his people had been and what he had done since he went to war, he said that he was amongst the settlements at Tansa and at Monsr Badons Opposite Mobile and some of his people had been there, but did not see any Enemy. He said that the Inhabitants used him very well giving what provisions he Stood in need of, but after he left the j ^ Fort Toulouse, or Alabama Fort, erected in 1714. 536 JOURNAL OF DAVID TAITT settlements some of his people were in want and had Killed one beeve, and he sent the marks of it to Tansa by a white man, but the Coolamie people having Seperated from him had Killed three Cattle and Stole three horses, which he was very Sorry for, and promised to get the horses again and Carry them down to their owners. In the Evening I went again to Wetunkey Square where men and women were all danceing, about Nine OClock I Received the Letters which McFall brought from Pensacola. Emistisiguo being gon[e] I desired Toopoya to send for the 2d man to Come here on the morning that we might appoint a meeting to give Captn Stuarts Talks to them. I then Returned to Coosada where the Interpretor was Arrived. Tuckabatchie ^th April 1772. This Morning I went with Mr. Brown and the Interpretor to Wetunkey where Emistisiguo desired to hear the Talks from Pensacola, saying that there was now a good many head men present. I acquainted him that the Talks were for the head of the whole Nation and that I Could not read them to a part, but when the 2d man came they might ap- point a Day to meet at the Oak Choys. After black drink I went to Coosada where I stayed about two hours and then returned to Wetunkey where the 2d man came. We then Appointed a meeting to be at OakChoys in Eleven Days from this. Emistisiguo made Eleven pieces of Cane which I sent with a letter to the gun Merchant desiring him to send to all the Towns above him. About two OClock I set out for this place in Company with Messrs. Brown, Mosley and Cornal ; at the white ground I met McFall who says that about one hundred miles from this nation he was Robed by 113 Chactaws, some of them held him fast to the ground while others took the Cock off his riffle and Sixteen Carrots of Tobacco and some Sugar etca. but did not take any rum. From the white ground I went to the fushatchies ^ about two miles further up the river; here the Indians pre- ^ Fusihatchi. 537 J TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES pared black drink and desired me to stay and drink with them. I went to their Square where they hoisted an Old ragged Jack on a pole telling me that they had no better Collours to adorn their Square with. After drinking with them I set out for this place where I arrived about nine at night. Tuckahatchie 6th April 1772. I sent a letter by one Perkens to Stephen Forest at the Eutchies, Ordering him to Call a meeting of the Lower Creeks on the 23d Inst. Mr. Cornal acquainted me with the Answer which the Lower Creeks sent to the upper in regard of Satisfaction etca. which I wrote down. The Made ^ Dog of this Town is very bussie preparing Physick and Causing the people to dance every night on purpose to bring back to life their fire Maker who was killed six months ago by the Chactaws and by them Skined, but his wife who is Sisster to the Mad Dog perswades the people that he comes to her sometimes in the night and that he keeps about the Square and hot house and will soon make his Appearance in pub- lick if they make the Physick strong Enough, and take proper care. To Day the King of the Town, being tired with fasting, eat some victuals, which spoild the Physick, and prevented the fire maker coming this night but the Mad Dog desired that the people might attend every night in the Square, untill the fire maker did come which he assured them would be soon. Tuckahatchie 7th April 1772. It rained very hard all day which prevented me from going to make any Observations. Tuckahatchie 8th April 1772. This Morning Messrs. Brown and Mosley went to the Coosadas, the former having agreed to send me a man for a guide to go along the river side from this place to Wetunkey. ^Mad. 538 JOURNAL OF DAVID TAITT Tuckabatchie gth April 1772. This Day the beaver Tooth King and Mad Dog of this Town came and Smoked, and Talked with me Concerning the Traders having Cattle amongst them. The mad Dog is very much against it, and says they were poor before the white people came amongst them, and they will remain poor, and if the Traders were not poor they would not come amongst them, therefore if they do like not their method of living they may return to their own Country again. I desired the Mad Dog to go to the meeting and there speak any thing which he had to say before his own people which he promised to do. Tuckabatchie lOth April 1772. This Day McFall brought me some thing which he had left in the woods after being Robed. In the Evening I went to the Square where both Sexes were dancing round a fire, the Mad Dog stood up and said that he was uncertain as to the time when the fire Maker would come, but said that it might be three or four nights, and Ordered them all to attend untill he came. The mad Dog is a very Artful! fellow and is trying to impose on the Credulity of his people on purpose to free his Sisster from her widow hood, who by their Laws must remain a widow four years. Tuckabatchie nth April 1772. This Morning one Howard, a half breed, came from the Geehaws and Complained against one Hugh Simpson, a Trader in the Tallassies, for Stealing a horse from him some Days ago. This Howard is the person that held the Mur- derer untill two others Stabed him with their knives in the sides. I went this forenoon to the Great Tallassies to make some Observations on the Town and Creeks etca. In the Evening Lave, a hireling of Mr. Browns at Coosada, came to be my guide by the river side to Wetunkey. 2M 539 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES ■ Tuckahatchie I2th April 1772. This Morning I went down the south side of the Talla- puse River, and Surveyed as far as the Otteseys, about five miles SSW from this and on the South side of the River. The Town stands on a fine plain Close by the bank of the River ; there is about Sixty gun men and two Traders in it at present. I Crossed the River a little above the Town, and went up the North side of it to this place having my Servant who is a Spaniard for my guide. This Day a Thos Jones came here from Pensacola, and says that he had letters from Mr. Charles Stuart^ for me, but was met about fifty Miles from the Nation by Nine Chactaws who Robed him of his horse, gun, Cloaths, provision and Money, and tore the Letters in pieces. Their leader had a small Medal and spoke a little English ; he took Jones Blanket and hat from him and throwed him down an Old Soldiers blanket and hat. Coolamies iph April 1772. I set out this Morning with Lave for my guide and took the bearings and distance of the path and river as far as the Hochlawella, and from thence to this place, where I stayed at Mr. Germaneys all night. Coosadas 14th April 1772. 1 went this Morning to the Coolamie Square to black Drink where John Pigg came, and informed me of three Negro men, which were brought into this nation about three years ago by some men from Mississippi, and [that] there was a Mr. Weldren who had been formerly in the Chactaw nation but then resided at Wetunkey who wrote a letter in the name of Lieut. Govr. Durnford ^ Offering a reward for apprehending the men and Negroes on which the men run off and the Negroes were taken by Mr. Richard Brown and * Charles Stuart was a Deputy Superintendent of Indian Affairs for the Southern District. 2 Elias Durnford, governor of West Florida 1769-1770. 540 JOURNAL OF DAVID TAITT Thos. Mosley and by them Carryed down to Silver bluff and Sold to Mr. George Galphin as their Own property for six hundred pounds South Carolina Currency and Eight horses ; this James Germaney Likewise declared to be true. The head men of this Town were so much ashamed of the behavour of their people in Stealings horses etca. from the Settlements that they went out of the Square without speak- ing to me. I went to Mr. Germaneys to Breakfast and then set out with him to the Mucklasses, a small village three miles farther down the River, where the wolf King lives, to whoes house I went and after Smoking with him, he said that he wanted to send to Pensacola for a little Rum and some other little things from the Governor and beged that I wou'd write a letter for him, which I promised to do pro- vided that he would go with me to the Meeting at OakChoy and get the Land granted which Captn Stuart and the Govr. of Pensacola had asked from them. He said that for his part he would give his Consent and was sure all the Talla- puses would do the same, but he was not able to Ride so far as the OakChoys but would send his Nephew. He then beged that John Pigg might not be allowed to remain in the Nation as he had no goods and was a very great horse thief, having already stole one from him and was affraid that he would Steal every one that he had ; he likewise had told the Indians that I was come to Spy their land before the white people made war with them. I desired Mr. Ger- maney to send Pigg to me in the Morning, and then set out for this place taking the Course and distance etca. Coosada i^th April 1772. I went this morning to the Tuskigie ^ Square to black drink. The Square is about a Quarter of a mile above this Town on the south side of Coosa River, and near the Old French fort. The Inhabitants of the Tuskigees are a rem- nant of Northen Indians and speak a different Language from the Creeks ; there is but twenty five gun men and one In- ^ Tuskegee. 541 TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES dian factor in the Town. After black drink Emistisiguo and Toopoya came to me at this place and likewise John Pigg from the Coolamies. I then asked Emistisiguo and Toopoya, (having Jacob Moniack for Interpretor,) if they would Suffer Pigg to be taken and sent to Pensacola as they knew what Complaints had been made against him both by their own people and the Traders. Emistisiguo said that he looked upon me as having the same power as if Captain Stuart was present, and that I might do what I thought proper for they knew Pigg to be a bad man. I then sent for Pigg and Told him what was alledged against him and then took him prisoner, [at the] same time Offering him his Liberty to go to Silver bluff upon his finding Security for his appearance at Augusta to Answer to what he was accused of ; after some time Messrs. Brown and Mosley were Security and gave their Obligation for his appearance. OakChoys i6th April 1772. I set out from Coosadas about one oClock, with Toopoya and a white man for a guide and arrived here in the Evening. OakChoys 17th April 1772. This Morning I sent to the little OakChoys for the Mor- ter and in the Evening the Messenger returned and told me that the Morter would be here to morrow morning. This afternoon the Interpretor and the beaver Tooth King came from Tuckabatchie but did not bring the Mad Dog with them, he being affraid to leave his women after the Tricks he and them has been playing. OakChoys i8th April 1772. This morning the Morter came and after black drink I delivered Captain Stuarts Letters to the Chiefs who as- sembled at the Gun Merchants house for that purpose. They promised to give me an Answer next Day about the Land but Could say nothing about the Slave as it was the Lower Euffalla people who Murdered him. I Ordered Mr. 542 JOURNAL OF DAVID TAITT Cornall to go with me in the Evening to the fish pond about seven miles off, this he refused thinking it no part of his duty as Interpretor. After I had delivered the Letters which I had for the Indians, Mr. Thomas Graham, one of the traders, desired leave for the Interpretor to deliver a Letter from the Merchts at Augusta to the Upper Creek Indians. This I told Mr. Graham was Contrary to any regulations made by the Government, who did not allow any person, or body of them, to treat with Indians about Lands, Excepting the Superintendants appointed for that purpose ; but if there was nothing in the Letter that inter- fered with the duty of the Superintendant or the Governors, I should have no Objection to let it be read, otherwise I would not allow it. He assured me that it was only to II desire payment of their Debts. I then allowed Mr. Cornal to deliver it. The first part was telling the Indians that they had received a letter from them demanding Satisfac- tion for some of their people who had been Killed by some persons in Georgia. This they said was in the Governors power and not theirs to do. They then ask[ed] for the Lands above little River which the Cherokees gave to their Traders and likewise for the Lands on the East side of Okono ^ River, as far as the Lower Trading path, as a payment for the Debts which they owed their Traders, saying that it was not the Superintendant nor Governors that Supplyed them with goods and unless they gave them the Land they would not be able to Supply them, at same time asking [fori the Land in their own Names ; which was read to the Indians. Tuckabatchie igth April 1772. This Morning the Morter came to me at Nicolas Blacks house in the OakChoys ; soon after the gun Merchant came and desired the M^orter to go and Consult with them about the Answer which they were to give to day, but the Traders having given him three or four drams of rum, he refused to go. I then went into the Traders Store with the Morter ^ Oconee. 543 A TRAVELS IN THE AMERICAN COLONIES and Gun Merchant, and made the Interpretor ask the first his reason for giving his Medal and Commission to the Trader in the Socuspoga. While the Morter was telling his reasons one Hugh Simpson (who Trades in the Great Tal- lassies as a hireling to Messrs. Campble and son in Charles- town) came into the Store and carryed out a Kegg of Rum. He then returned into the Store and after Staying some time said that he was going to Carry the Rum into the Square to the Indians. I Ordered [him] at his peril not to do it untill I had done with them. He returned again to the house and told me that I had no Right to speak to any Indians in private that the Rum was his and he would do as he pleased in this Country; he would not Obey any Governor Nor Superintendant nor any person but his em- ployer, useing a great deal of very Abussive Language. Upon which I desired the Traders present to give me assist- ance to Secure Simpson. This they all refused; at same time Simpson said to Messrs. Graham and Greerson and several others, that they had set him on to Abuse me, and now they were aflFraid to speak themselves. The Gun Mer- chant said that I now saw the behavour of their Traders, which was as bad as any of their Young Men, and he won- dered how they agreed so well together. I gave the Morter his Commission and Medal which he accepted off on Con- dition of geting a riffle and some Shells which he alledged had been Long promised him. I then went to the hot house where I Received an Answer to Captain Stuart['s] letter, and in the Evening I came to this place. Tuckahatchie 20th April 1772. This Morning I wrote a letter to Mr. Charles Stuart at Mobile acquainting him with the Indians Answer About the Scambia Lands, and sent it by Jacob Moniack who goes in ten Days for Mobile. The Morter came to me this morning and made a Com- plaint against one Pretor, a hireling of Mr. Galphins, who had stole some horses from him, and likewise to get his 544 JOURNAL OF DAVID TAITT riffle from Cornal which had been sent by him six months ago but had been broke in Carrying. The Morter received it from Cornal but desired that Captain Stuart might send him another, and Likewise the Shells which had been Long promised him. Lower Creeks. Chavacleyhatchie, or Half zvayhouse 2ist April 1772. This Morning I set out from Tuckabatchie Leaving the Morter at the Interpreters waiting for the Return of Pretor, from Silver bluff, that he may get paid for the horses which Pretor Stole fro